- •Public Administration And Public Policy
- •Contents
- •Acknowledgments
- •About The Authors
- •Comments On Purpose and Methods
- •Contents
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 Culture
- •1.3 Colonial Legacies
- •1.3.1 British Colonial Legacy
- •1.3.2 Latin Legacy
- •1.3.3 American Legacy
- •1.4 Decentralization
- •1.5 Ethics
- •1.5.1 Types of Corruption
- •1.5.2 Ethics Management
- •1.6 Performance Management
- •1.6.2 Structural Changes
- •1.6.3 New Public Management
- •1.7 Civil Service
- •1.7.1 Size
- •1.7.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •1.7.3 Pay and Performance
- •1.7.4 Training
- •1.8 Conclusion
- •Contents
- •2.1 Introduction
- •2.2 Historical Developments and Legacies
- •2.2.1.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of King as Leader
- •2.2.1.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.1.3 Third Legacy: Traditions of Hierarchy and Clientelism
- •2.2.1.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition of Reconciliation
- •2.2.2.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of Bureaucratic Elites as a Privileged Group
- •2.2.2.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.2.3 Third Legacy: The Practice of Staging Military Coups
- •2.2.2.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition for Military Elites to be Loyal to the King
- •2.2.3.1 First Legacy: Elected Politicians as the New Political Boss
- •2.2.3.2 Second Legacy: Frequent and Unpredictable Changes of Political Bosses
- •2.2.3.3 Third Legacy: Politicians from the Provinces Becoming Bosses
- •2.2.3.4 Fourth Legacy: The Problem with the Credibility of Politicians
- •2.2.4.1 First Emerging Legacy: Big Businessmen in Power
- •2.2.4.2 Second Emerging Legacy: Super CEO Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.4.3 Third Emerging Legacy: Government must Serve Big Business Interests
- •2.2.5.1 Emerging Legacy: The Clash between Governance Values and Thai Realities
- •2.2.5.2 Traits of Governmental Culture Produced by the Five Masters
- •2.3 Uniqueness of the Thai Political Context
- •2.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •3.1 Thailand Administrative Structure
- •3.2 History of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.2.1 Thailand as a Centralized State
- •3.2.2 Towards Decentralization
- •3.3 The Politics of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.3.2 Shrinking Political Power of the Military and Bureaucracy
- •3.4 Drafting the TAO Law 199421
- •3.5 Impacts of the Decentralization Reform on Local Government in Thailand: Ongoing Challenges
- •3.5.1 Strong Executive System
- •3.5.2 Thai Local Political System
- •3.5.3 Fiscal Decentralization
- •3.5.4 Transferred Responsibilities
- •3.5.5 Limited Spending on Personnel
- •3.5.6 New Local Government Personnel System
- •3.6 Local Governments Reaching Out to Local Community
- •3.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Corruption: General Situation in Thailand
- •4.2.1 Transparency International and its Corruption Perception Index
- •4.2.2 Types of Corruption
- •4.3 A Deeper Look at Corruption in Thailand
- •4.3.1 Vanishing Moral Lessons
- •4.3.4 High Premium on Political Stability
- •4.4 Existing State Mechanisms to Fight Corruption
- •4.4.2 Constraints and Limitations of Public Agencies
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 History of Performance Management
- •5.2.1 National Economic and Social Development Plans
- •5.2.2 Master Plan of Government Administrative Reform
- •5.3 Performance Management Reform: A Move Toward High Performance Organizations
- •5.3.1 Organization Restructuring to Increase Autonomy
- •5.3.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.3 Knowledge Management Toward Learning Organizations
- •5.3.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.3.5 Challenges and Lessons Learned
- •5.3.5.1 Organizational Restructuring
- •5.3.5.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.5.3 Knowledge Management
- •5.3.5.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.4.4 Outcome of Budgeting Reform: The Budget Process in Thailand
- •5.4.5 Conclusion
- •5.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •6.1.1 Civil Service Personnel
- •6.1.2 Development of the Civil Service Human Resource System
- •6.1.3 Problems of Civil Service Human Resource
- •6.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •6.2.1 Main Feature
- •6.2.2 Challenges of Recruitment and Selection
- •6.3.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.2 Salary Management
- •6.4.2.2 Performance Management and Salary Increase
- •6.4.3 Position Allowance
- •6.4.5 National Compensation Committee
- •6.4.6 Retirement and Pension
- •6.4.7 Challenges in Compensation
- •6.5 Training and Development
- •6.5.1 Main Feature
- •6.5.2 Challenges of Training and Development in the Civil Service
- •6.6 Discipline and Merit Protection
- •6.6.1 Main Feature
- •6.6.2 Challenges of Discipline
- •6.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •English References
- •Contents
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Setting and Context
- •7.3 Malayan Union and the Birth of the United Malays National Organization
- •7.4 Post Independence, New Economic Policy, and Malay Dominance
- •7.5 Centralization of Executive Powers under Mahathir
- •7.6 Administrative Values
- •7.6.1 Close Ties with the Political Party
- •7.6.2 Laws that Promote Secrecy, Continuing Concerns with Corruption
- •7.6.3 Politics over Performance
- •7.6.4 Increasing Islamization of the Civil Service
- •7.7 Ethnic Politics and Reforms
- •7.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •8.1 Introduction
- •8.2 System of Government in Malaysia
- •8.5 Community Relations and Emerging Recentralization
- •8.6 Process Toward Recentralization and Weakening Decentralization
- •8.7 Reinforcing Centralization
- •8.8 Restructuring and Impact on Decentralization
- •8.9 Where to Decentralization?
- •8.10 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia: General Observations
- •9.2.1 Factors of Corruption
- •9.3 Recent Corruption Scandals
- •9.3.1 Cases Involving Bureaucrats and Executives
- •9.3.2 Procurement Issues
- •9.4 Efforts to Address Corruption and Instill Ethics
- •9.4.1.1 Educational Strategy
- •9.4.1.2 Preventive Strategy
- •9.4.1.3 Punitive Strategy
- •9.4.2 Public Accounts Committee and Public Complaints Bureau
- •9.5 Other Efforts
- •9.6 Assessment and Recommendations
- •9.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •10.1 History of Performance Management in the Administrative System
- •10.1.1 Policy Frameworks
- •10.1.2 Organizational Structures
- •10.1.2.1 Values and Work Ethic
- •10.1.2.2 Administrative Devices
- •10.1.2.3 Performance, Financial, and Budgetary Reporting
- •10.2 Performance Management Reforms in the Past Ten Years
- •10.2.1 Electronic Government
- •10.2.2 Public Service Delivery System
- •10.2.3 Other Management Reforms
- •10.3 Assessment of Performance Management Reforms
- •10.4 Analysis and Recommendations
- •10.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.2.1 Public Service Department
- •11.2.2 Public Service Commission
- •11.2.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •11.2.4 Malaysian Administrative Modernization and Management Planning Unit
- •11.2.5 Administrative and Diplomatic Service
- •11.4 Civil Service Pension Scheme
- •11.5 Civil Service Neutrality
- •11.6 Civil Service Culture
- •11.7 Reform in the Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.2.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.3.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.3.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.4.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.4.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.5.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.5.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.6.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.6.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.7 Public Administration and Society
- •12.7.1 Public Accountability and Participation
- •12.7.2 Administrative Values
- •12.8 Societal and Political Challenge over Bureaucratic Dominance
- •12.9 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •13.1 Introduction
- •13.3 Constitutional Framework of the Basic Law
- •13.4 Changing Relations between the Central Authorities and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •13.4.1 Constitutional Dimension
- •13.4.1.1 Contending Interpretations over the Basic Law
- •13.4.1.3 New Constitutional Order in the Making
- •13.4.2 Political Dimension
- •13.4.2.3 Contention over Political Reform
- •13.4.3 The Economic Dimension
- •13.4.3.1 Expanding Intergovernmental Links
- •13.4.3.2 Fostering Closer Economic Partnership and Financial Relations
- •13.4.3.3 Seeking Cooperation and Coordination in Regional and National Development
- •13.4.4 External Dimension
- •13.5 Challenges and Prospects in the Relations between the Central Government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •References
- •Contents
- •14.1 Honesty, Integrity, and Adherence to the Law
- •14.2 Accountability, Openness, and Political Neutrality
- •14.2.1 Accountability
- •14.2.2 Openness
- •14.2.3 Political Neutrality
- •14.3 Impartiality and Service to the Community
- •14.4 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •15.1 Introduction
- •15.2 Brief Overview of Performance Management in Hong Kong
- •15.3.1 Measuring and Assessing Performance
- •15.3.2 Adoption of Performance Pledges
- •15.3.3 Linking Budget to Performance
- •15.3.4 Relating Rewards to Performance
- •15.4 Assessment of Outcomes of Performance Management Reforms
- •15.4.1 Are Departments Properly Measuring their Performance?
- •15.4.2 Are Budget Decisions Based on Performance Results?
- •15.4.5 Overall Evaluation
- •15.5 Measurability of Performance
- •15.6 Ownership of, and Responsibility for, Performance
- •15.7 The Politics of Performance
- •15.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Structure of the Public Sector
- •16.2.1 Core Government
- •16.2.2 Hybrid Agencies
- •16.2.4 Private Businesses that Deliver Public Services
- •16.3 Administrative Values
- •16.4 Politicians and Bureaucrats
- •16.5 Management Tools and their Reform
- •16.5.1 Selection
- •16.5.2 Performance Management
- •16.5.3 Compensation
- •16.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •17.1 Introduction
- •17.2 The Philippines: A Brief Background
- •17.4 Philippine Bureaucracy during the Spanish Colonial Regime
- •17.6 American Colonial Regime and the Philippine Commonwealth
- •17.8 Independence Period and the Establishment of the Institute of Public Administration
- •17.9 Administrative Values in the Philippines
- •17.11 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Toward a Genuine Local Autonomy and Decentralization in the Philippines
- •18.2.1 Evolution of Local Autonomy
- •18.2.2 Government Structure and the Local Government System
- •18.2.3 Devolution under the Local Government Code of 1991
- •18.2.4 Local Government Finance
- •18.2.5 Local Government Bureaucracy and Personnel
- •18.3 Review of the Local Government Code of 1991 and its Implementation
- •18.3.1 Gains and Successes of Decentralization
- •18.3.2 Assessing the Impact of Decentralization
- •18.3.2.1 Overall Policy Design
- •18.3.2.2 Administrative and Political Issues
- •18.3.2.2.1 Central and Sub-National Role in Devolution
- •18.3.2.2.3 High Budget for Personnel at the Local Level
- •18.3.2.2.4 Political Capture by the Elite
- •18.3.2.3 Fiscal Decentralization Issues
- •18.3.2.3.1 Macroeconomic Stability
- •18.3.2.3.2 Policy Design Issues of the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.3.2.3.4 Disruptive Effect of the Creation of New Local Government Units
- •18.3.2.3.5 Disparate Planning, Unhealthy Competition, and Corruption
- •18.4 Local Governance Reforms, Capacity Building, and Research Agenda
- •18.4.1 Financial Resources and Reforming the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.4.3 Government Functions and Powers
- •18.4.6 Local Government Performance Measurement
- •18.4.7 Capacity Building
- •18.4.8 People Participation
- •18.4.9 Political Concerns
- •18.4.10 Federalism
- •18.5 Conclusions and the Way Forward
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •19.1 Introduction
- •19.2 Control
- •19.2.1 Laws that Break Up the Alignment of Forces to Minimize State Capture
- •19.2.2 Executive Measures that Optimize Deterrence
- •19.2.3 Initiatives that Close Regulatory Gaps
- •19.2.4 Collateral Measures on Electoral Reform
- •19.3 Guidance
- •19.3.1 Leadership that Casts a Wide Net over Corrupt Acts
- •19.3.2 Limiting Monopoly and Discretion to Constrain Abuse of Power
- •19.3.3 Participatory Appraisal that Increases Agency Resistance against Misconduct
- •19.3.4 Steps that Encourage Public Vigilance and the Growth of Civil Society Watchdogs
- •19.3.5 Decentralized Guidance that eases Log Jams in Centralized Decision Making
- •19.4 Management
- •19.5 Creating Virtuous Circles in Public Ethics and Accountability
- •19.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •20.1 Introduction
- •20.2 Problems and Challenges Facing Bureaucracy in the Philippines Today
- •20.3 Past Reform Initiatives of the Philippine Public Administrative System
- •20.4.1 Rebuilding Institutions and Improving Performance
- •20.4.1.1 Size and Effectiveness of the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.1.2 Privatization
- •20.4.1.3 Addressing Corruption
- •20.4.1.5 Improving Work Processes
- •20.4.2 Performance Management Initiatives for the New Millennium
- •20.4.2.1 Financial Management
- •20.4.2.2 New Government Accounting System
- •20.4.2.3 Public Expenditure Management
- •20.4.2.4 Procurement Reforms
- •20.4.3 Human Resource Management
- •20.4.3.1 Organizing for Performance
- •20.4.3.2 Performance Evaluation
- •20.4.3.3 Rationalizing the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.3.4 Public Sector Compensation
- •20.4.3.5 Quality Management Systems
- •20.4.3.6 Local Government Initiatives
- •20.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •21.1 Introduction
- •21.2 Country Development Context
- •21.3 Evolution and Current State of the Philippine Civil Service System
- •21.3.1 Beginnings of a Modern Civil Service
- •21.3.2 Inventory of Government Personnel
- •21.3.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •21.3.6 Training and Development
- •21.3.7 Incentive Structure in the Bureaucracy
- •21.3.8 Filipino Culture
- •21.3.9 Bureaucratic Values and Performance Culture
- •21.3.10 Grievance and Redress System
- •21.4 Development Performance of the Philippine Civil Service
- •21.5 Key Development Challenges
- •21.5.1 Corruption
- •21.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •22.1 Introduction
- •22.2 History
- •22.3 Major Reform Measures since the Handover
- •22.4 Analysis of the Reform Roadmap
- •22.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •23.1 Decentralization, Autonomy, and Democracy
- •23.3.1 From Recession to Take Off
- •23.3.2 Politics of Growth
- •23.3.3 Government Inertia
- •23.4 Autonomy as Collective Identity
- •23.4.3 Social Group Dynamics
- •23.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •24.1 Introduction
- •24.2 Functions and Performance of the Commission Against Corruption of Macao
- •24.2.1 Functions
- •24.2.2 Guidelines on the Professional Ethics and Conduct of Public Servants
- •24.2.3 Performance
- •24.2.4 Structure
- •24.2.5 Personnel Establishment
- •24.3 New Challenges
- •24.3.1 The Case of Ao Man Long
- •24.3.2 Dilemma of Sunshine Law
- •24.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •25.1 Introduction
- •25.2 Theoretical Basis of the Reform
- •25.3 Historical Background
- •25.4 Problems in the Civil Service Culture
- •25.5 Systemic Problems
- •25.6 Performance Management Reform
- •25.6.1 Performance Pledges
- •25.6.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.7 Results and Problems
- •25.7.1 Performance Pledge
- •25.7.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.8 Conclusion and Future Development
- •References
- •Contents
- •26.1 Introduction
- •26.2 Civil Service System
- •26.2.1 Types of Civil Servants
- •26.2.2 Bureaucratic Structure
- •26.2.4 Personnel Management
- •26.4 Civil Service Reform
- •26.5 Conclusion
- •References
Public Ethics and Corruption in Thailand 83
to most other philanthropic or civil society organizations. Most allegations against non-profit organizations evolved around the enrichment of the leaders involved.8
To a certain extent, the Thai public is almost numb or has become “used to” petty corruption in everyday life. Small bribes are seen as semi-service charges to get the bureaucratic process moving, to overcome red tape, to shorten the time needed for a transaction, or just simply to appease or placate the public officials in charge who are somewhat underpaid in any case. A bribe could be either solicited or offered. A bribe could also be seen as a welcome mechanism to save time, effort, and money, as in giving 100 baht to the traffic policeman for a traffic violation as opposed to having to pay a 400-baht fine at the police station. Petty corruption is so pervasive. It seems to penetrate into almost every sphere of public sector transaction with citizens in their everyday life. However, when asked how Thai people feel about corruption, the answers often reveal anger, frustration, and resignation.9 When tolerance for and acceptance of petty corruption become an issue for discussion, the general sentiment is that petty corruption should also be curbed because it leads to grand corruption, to the detriment of society. Although corruption has become “a way of life,” it would be wrong to think that it is well accepted. The analogy of Thai people with petty corruption is like having to live with a seemingly incurable disease. No one would like to live with an incurable disease.
4.3 A Deeper Look at Corruption in Thailand
Why is corruption more pervasive today than a few decades ago?10 This is a question often raised. Some may say that petty corruption has always existed in Thai society. Perhaps the media reports on corruption more than ever before. Or maybe information technology has improved so much that Thai people are now learning more about it. However, one cannot deny that corruption has certainly taken on more forms and is prevalent at all levels of Thai society, especially in the public sector. The amount of money involved in corruption has increased and there are certainly more players and actors in corruption today.11 The following conditions have been offered to explain the rise and continuation of corruption.
4.3.1 Vanishing Moral Lessons
In the past few decades, Thailand has been dominated by mainstream growth-led economic development. This has created a gap or a disjuncture in Thai moral and ethical values from its past. Traditionally, Buddhist temples played a crucial role in citizens’ lives and well-being. Neighborhood
8There is a well-known case involving a big and powerful temple where large sums of money were purportedly embezzled. Just as the case was to be decided by the court, the culprit returned the money and the prosecutor dropped the charges. This was suspected of being politically influenced because fraud cases are generally prosecuted to the conclusion. However, generally, no conclusive findings are reported on such allegations and virtually no prosecution or conviction over corruption is publicly known.
9See, for instance, surveys on attitudes toward corruption conducted by Transparency Thailand and the Center for Philanthropy and Civil Society, National Institute of Development Administration in the years 2001,
2002, 2007, and 2008.
10On this issue, the general explanation is that Thai society tends to put the blame on increased materialism and consumerism due to external forces, especially globalization. I would suggest that there are strong internal socio-cultural factors that need to be scrutinized as well.
11See, for instance, various surveys conducted by Sauwanee Thairungroj et al. since 2000 on public-private sector corruption issues, including “Thailand: Business Environment and Governance survey in 2004 and AntiCorruption Strategy in Thailand in the year 2000.”
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
84 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
temples would have an all-inclusive role where the needs of the citizens were generally taken care of: schooling for boys, medical care for the sick, psychological and emotional solace and comfort for troubled persons, entertainment through temple fairs and even a meeting place for acquaintanceship and even courtship for the young men and women. While the elderly without family or relations, and the very poor and marginalized were adopted or fed by the temples, taking care of spiritual needs and dissemination of ethical and moral values would probably reign supreme in the different roles played by temples in those days. It was virtually impossible then for children and youth not to be inculcated by the moral and ethical lessons taught by the monks. Buddhist teachings (Dharma) would emphasize good vs. bad, right vs. wrong, merit vs. de-merits. Temples would also teach compassion and mindfulness. The virtue of rightful actions and refraining from sinful and wrongful acts was emphasized. Religious principles also call for self-restraint and self-censure in committing wrongful acts like lying, lusting, engaging in greedy acts, and taking or stealing what is not rightfully one’s own. Such teachings would only reinforce the formation of a person’s conscience, which serves as an internal control mechanism to keep a person from wrongful acts like corruption.
With the advent of major social transformation as a result of societal transition from a traditional society into a “modern” society, religion lost ground to secularism. Most of the previous functions performed by temples were taken over by public sector agencies, yet declining and vanishing moral and ethical lessons from Buddhist religion have not been replaced by secular counterparts. While religious rituals and practices continue to flourish, the role of Buddhism in embedding ethical and moral principles has eroded. The neighborhood temple is no longer the all-encompassing center of people’s life. In this transition, secular institutions like the family, schools, or the media have not substituted the role that religion played in the past. With increased urbanization and a lifestyle that inevitably drives urbanites into the fast lane and a busy life where getting ahead is an imperative, religious learning and socialization no longer takes place for most new generations of Thai people, especially those living in urban areas. In the past few decades, civic education and ethics have been neglected and even discarded from the school curriculum. As a result, we find Thai society today poorer in the understanding or appreciation of moral and ethical values; indeed, a vacuum or void exists in instilling moral and ethical values.12
4.3.2 Lack of Deep-Rooted Public Interest Values
In the public sector, not enough attention is given to the issue of ethics. Perhaps the Office of the Civil Service Commission’s (OCSC) effort to remedy this situation is due to recognition of how lacking it has been in the past. As Frank Mariner argues, ethics needs to be learned and discussed through anecdotes, stories, analogies, or moral injunctions and dilemmas in the form of stories [1]. The Thai public sector in the past has not devoted time and energy to help public officials learn about public ethics to ensure that ethical values and principles about public service are well internalized by them. One also finds a dearth of role models in morals and ethics in the public sector and in Thai society as a whole. It is also interesting that Thai people are less willing to acknowledge living role models than those who have passed away.
Perhaps the most worrisome issue about public ethics is that the notions of public interest, public good, public responsibility, and public accountability are relatively underdeveloped in Thai
12The call for civic education to enhance ethics, public mind, and responsibility are voiced by various sectors today since the political crisis came to a head. Prior to this, very few people paid any attention to the call for value change and the need to instill moral values and ethical principles in Thai society.
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Public Ethics and Corruption in Thailand 85
society [2]. Public officials may verbalize an ethic of the public interest and well-being of citizens, but public officials’ real or actual behaviors reflect little of public interest; concerns about selfinterest, relationship with bosses, their agency’s role, stature and advantages often exceed public interest. Most agencies are unwilling to delete or downsize some out-dated or even obsolete division or function simply because of fear of losing the total size of their budgetary allocation. Also, when agencies fail to spend their allocated budget toward the end of the budget year, all types of seminars and conferences are hurriedly held just to expend the money. Hotel conference rooms are usually overbooked at the end of each budget year to accommodate the need for spending the money. The fear of being given less allocation prompted unwise and unproductive use of public money, which is counter to protecting public interest.
4.3.3 Continuation of Patron-Client Relations
The traditional Thai social structure, values and beliefs evolve around personal criteria, rather than universalistic principles. A person’s primary duty and allegiance were to his family and then to his kinship network, then to his village or community. Mutual assistance, trust, reciprocity, and social cohesion operated well within the realm of one’s personal affiliation. Traditional Thai society was also hierarchical and highly stratified, and such status differences gave rise to an elaborate and intricate system of patron-client relationship where status unequals entered into a mutually beneficial relationship. While a patron provided protection and connection for his client, he was supported and reciprocated by his client as well. A client could provide resources, both monetary and in-kind payment (like labor), to his patron. Loyal clients also became a member of the patron’s entourage that surrounded and followed the patron to indicate the importance and power of a patron. Key values espoused by the patronage system were loyalty, obedience, and gratitude from the standpoint of a client to his patron. Kindness, compassion, and generosity were required of a patron toward his client. These relations extended from the apex of power—the king—to the lowest client in the social order.13
In this framework of human relations, developed over hundreds of years, a person’s ethical and moral duties are to be a good patron as well as a good client. Thai people perceive moral obligations, social norms, and social values through a personal lens: “what is good for my patron is alright by me.” Interpersonal “debts of gratitude,” favors, care and concern, payment and repayment of kindness and favors reign supreme. Obviously, such close relations are conducive to a lack of transparency and corruption in various small and large ways.
Client-patron relations also explain the poor development of the public interest noted above. Loyalty is pledged and served to person/s and never to a “public” that one did not personally know or interact with. The notion of public interest as an ultimate goal in public ethics and public administration [3] is somewhat foreign to the traditional Thai way of perceiving the ethical/moral obligations of leadership that would lead to good governance. The goodness and benevolence of a leader is inherently good in and of itself. As a result of this goodness, followers are blessed with happiness and well-being. Consequently, the concept of public is not well understood or well developed in Thailand, and it is only a small stretch to state that beyond that personal sphere, a person bears no responsibility or expectations. Perhaps one needs to double efforts in fostering ethical leaders who will not distort laws, abuse power, and formulate policies to their own advantage.
13The many works of Akin Rabhibhand on patron-client system in traditional Thai society explain very well the issue discussed here.
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC