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III. Are the statements true or false? Correct the false statements.

1. If you visit the Irish Republic you will not see any visible difference from what you see in Northern Ireland.

2. Today Belfast is a small town which has no important industrial activity.

3. When Northern Ireland was formed in 1921 it received its own Parliament which is located in the very centre of Belfast.

4. Falls Road and Shankill Road in Belfast are well known far beyond the country because the worst violence took place here during the confrontations between the Catholics and Protestants.

5. The people of Antrim are a bit strange because they do not like to talk to strangers, especially tourists.

6. When the rope broke the crowd shouted that Macnaghten could not be hanged twice, and so he was set free.

7. Many people believe that the popular game in Britain called "Hangman" is connected with the hanging of Macnaghten.

IV. Answer the Questions.

1. Of how many provinces does all Ireland consist? What is the name of the northern province?

2. For what was Stormont recently responsible?

3. Why is the population in Northern Ireland Protestant in its majority?

4. Does Northern Ireland have a lot to offer to tourists?

5. Is Belfast a university city? Prove it.

6. What was Carrickfergus some years ago?

7. Why is it easy to get to the Giant's Causeway?

8. How did the monks of Ireland contribute to the development of culture in their country?

9. How tall are the columns of the Giant's Causeway?

10. How was Lough Neagh formed according to legend?

V. Explain:

1. Why did Belfast turn into the leading city of Northern Ireland?

2. The formation of the Giant's Causeway.

3. The game known in Britain as "Hangman".

Great Britain - a Constitutional Monarchy

Two characteristics of the British constitution confuse most foreigners: there is no written constitution, it is not contained in any single document. And those rules of the Constitution which do exist in writing often differ greatly from actual constitutional practice. The explanation of this paradox lies in the diversity of the sources from which the Constitution is drawn.

There are two kinds of rules by which Great Britain is governed: RULES OF LAW and RULES OF CUSTOM. The rules of law are those set out in such historic declarations as Magna Charta (1215) and the famous Acts of Parliament which mark the course of British history, for example, the Bill of Rights of 1689, the Act of Settlement of 1701, the Reform Act of 1832, the Parliament Act of 1911.

A great majority of these acts were passed by Parliament, but a document like Magna Charta is considered to be a part of the Constitution simply because it represents a great Landmark in national history: it stated the principle that the king was subject to the law and not above the law.

The Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement established that the king did not rule by a "divine right" from God, but by approval of Parliament. The 1832 Reform Act admitted the upper middle classes to the franchise (the right to vote) and started a process which inevitably led to democracy. The Parliament Act of 1911 deprived the Lords of much of their power, so that the House of Lords ceased to be a determining factor in legislation, and the House of Commons governed.

Many principles of the British Constitution by which Britain is governed are principles of the common law, or rules of custom.

These are principles which are not es­tablished by any law passed by Parliament but established in the courts following the use of decisions in individual cases as precedents for decisions in later cases. In practice many of these rules of custom are just as important as the rules of law and equally binding (obligatory). These are only two examples to illustrate this statement. The British sovereign cannot marry a Roman Catholic. If he were to do this, it would be breaking the law (it is one of the things forbidden by the Act of Settlement — the RULES OF THE LAW). On the other hand, after a general election the monarch would ask anyone but the leader of the majority party to form a new government, for it is a custom to do this (RULES OF CUSTOM). And a departure from custom in such an important matter would be as serious in its effect as breaking the law would be. These rules of custom, or conventions of the Constitution as they are sometimes called, are immensely important.

T he constitutional history of Great Britain shows growth of individual rights and liberties based not so much on law but on the ideas of traditional freedoms and traditional practices (conventions), which have developed organically.

Great Britain is a constitutional monarchy, and the Crown is a permanent and continuous institution. The traditional announcement, "The King is dead, long live the King!" typifies the immortality of royal authority. According to the Constitution, the powers of the Crown are very great. Every action of the government is carried out in its name. But the Queen cannot act independently. She may exercise these powers only on the advice of her ministers, who are responsible politically to Parliament.

In Britain they look to the Queen not only as their head of State, but also as the "symbol of their nation's unity". The royal title in the United Kingdom is: "Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and of Her other Realms and Territories Queen, Head of the Commonwealth, Defender of the Faith". The seat of the monarchy is in the United Kingdom. The Queen personifies the State. The Queen reigns but does not rule. She never vetoes bills passed by Parliament.

Although the Queen is deprived of actual power, she has retained many important, though formal, functions. She summons and dissolves Parliament, gives approval to Bills passed by both Houses of Parliament; she appoints government ministers, judges, officers in the armed forces, governors, diplomats and bishops of the Church of England. The Queen appoints the Prime Minister (usually the leader of the political party which has a majority in the House of Commons) to form a government. As head of State the Queen has, in international affairs, the power to declare war and make peace, to recognize foreign states and governments, to conclude treaties, etc. She gives audiences to her ministers and other officials at home and overseas, receives accounts of Cabinet decisions. She is informed and consulted on every aspect of national life.

The Queen is Head of the Commonwealth of Nations where she is represented by the Governor-General appointed by her on the advice of the government of the country concerned and completely independent on the British government. The Commonwealth is an association of about fifty states. Alongside with Britain and such developed countries as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, it includes large developing countries as India, Nigeria and very small states as Nauru (population — 8,000), as well as dependent territories, like Anguilla, Bermuda, Gibraltar and others. The Commonwealth does not formulate central policies on economic and foreign affairs. However, there is a considerable consult­ation and cooperation between the member states of the Commonwealth.

The Commonwealth is not a federation, because there is no central government, no common defence force, judiciary and no rigid obligations between the members. Nevertheless all the members of the Commonwealth have a broad community of interests. They are bound together by a common sense of ideals and a common interest in the maintenance of peace, freedom and security.

Great Britain has been able to maintain close, continuing relations with the Commonwealth, former British colonies which have become independent both in theory and practice. Moreover, apart from the importance of its historical development, the Commonwealth offers an example of close cooperation between countries of equal status but widely different strength. It is this fact which has often made observers speak of the Commonwealth as a model for international cooperation.

The Commonwealth has relatively little political machinery. Its most important institution for formal exchange of views, the Commonwealth Prime Ministers Meeting (or the Imperial Conference), has no executive authority. Conference resolutions have no legal effect, unless adopted by the individual countries. The Meeting of Prime Ministers is, therefore, a means of consultation, not a formal organ for reaching decisions.

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