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Текст Чи доживе єс до інтеграції України?

Для України вступ до лав країн-членів Євросоюзу залишається рожевою мрією. Деяке посилення позитивних дій у бік України як економічного і політичного партнера ЄС стало спостерігатися після відомих подій у Грузії і деякого погіршення російсько-українських політичних відносин. Проте, враховуючи зниження міжнародних рейтингів України вже протягом останнього року, економічну кризу і політичну нестабільність, тягар фінансової кризи у світі і в Європі, важко очікувати позитивних сигналів від ЄС щодо реального членства України.

Таким чином, враховуючи, що Україну не ставлять навіть у список потенційних кандидатів на членство у ЄС, а також серйозні економічні і політичні проблеми самої України, на винесене в заголовок питання однозначної відповіді дати не можна. Євросоюз, напевне, все-таки збережеться як потужна політична і економічна єдність.

Завдання 3. Перекладіть текст з української мови на англійську використовуючи машинний та літературний переклад. Проаналізуйте помилки машинного перекладу як перекладач. Представте правильний та відредагований переклад тексту.

Текст Стратегії прикордонної політики України в контексті зміни геополітичного положення її регіонів

Розвиток прикордонних територій уже більше 50 років є одним із напрямів класичної західноєвропейської регіональної політики. Успіхи Європейського Союзу у розвитку прикордонних територій, звичайно, вражають. Старі й нові кордони України мають інший генезис і виконують незрівнянно більш значимі бар’єри функції, тому для України розвиток прикордонних територій є відносно новим напрямом. Питання розвитку прикордонних територій актуалізувалися після здобуття Україною незалежністю. Більші простори України отримали статус прикордонних, сформувавши так звану зону «нового прикордоння». Дев’ять областей України опинилися в положенні справжнього прикордоння вперше. У недалекому минулому кордони мали повністю прозорий характер, будучи за головними характеристиками формальними. У цей час, у зв’язку зі зміною їх політичного статусу, відкритість кордонів різко знизилася, а бар’єрна функція зросла, що призвело до зміни умов і факторів соціально-економічного розвитку цих територій.

Державні кордони впливають на розвиток прикордонних районів і країни в цілому через свої фундаментальні характеристики.

Тема 18. Перекладіть статтю з англійської на українську мову. Складіть словник і вивчіть невідомі слова на пам'ять. Придумайте зі словами з тексту 10 речень на переклад (з української мови на англійську).

Стаття

More than one third of Ukrainian households (37,7 %) experience acute social exclusion, the 2011 Human Development Report says

7 July, 2011, Kyiv - United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Ukraine has launched the National Human Development Report 2011 – Ukraine: Towards Social Inclusion and the Regional Human Development Report 2011 – Beyond Transition: Towards Inclusive Societies.

Presenting the report UNDP Country Director Ricarda Rieger emphasised: “The HDR gave equal weight to school enrolment, life expectancy, health.  Not just how much a country earns, but how well its people live.  Yes, economic growth matters.  But what matters more is giving each individual a better chance at a long, healthy and productive life”.

Report’s team leader of authors, Aacademician Ella Libabova said “Overcoming social exclusion means expanding real opportunities for choice and freedom of every individual, development of the society where diversity is not a weakness but a strength increasing the competiveness of Ukraine”.

The National Human Development Report 2011 :

  • their relations to the human development concept

  • provides analysis of specifics of social exclusion in Ukraine, identifies some vulnerable groups and suggests the recommendations for policies on social inclusion of all

  • Introduces a novel methodology to assess multidimensional aspects of social exclusion to inform better evidence-based recommendations allowing for the prioritization and targeting of inclusion policies. This National Human Development Report – Ukraine: Towards Social Inclusion – calls attention to the specifics and the roots of social exclusion in Ukraine, identifies socially excluded groups and proposes a range of recommendations in support to the Government for the development of policies and programmes to address the current barriers to social inclusion for all. The Report investigates the issue of social inclusion from a human development perspective, treating both concepts – social inclusion and human development – as mutually complementary and reinforcing. The key drivers of social exclusion are examined across core domains of people’s life: political, cultural, economic and social. The Report also provides an account of individual experiences of exclusion that demonstrate the magnitude and severity of the challenges vulnerable individuals face. It also introduces a novel methodology to assess the multidimensional aspects of social exclusion to allow for the effective prioritization and targeting of social inclusion policies.

 Key Findings

Social exclusion and inclusion and human development concepts complement each other. High levels of human development cannot be achieved when some groups and individuals are excluded socially and face barriers to their participation in economic, social, cultural and political life.

Acute social exclusion is experienced by 37.7 percent of Ukrainian households. Extremely high risks of social exclusion (2.2 times higher compared with the average and 2.5 times higher compared with families consisting solely of working-age people) exist for families with many children and pensioners. Higher education is the most important factor determining social inclusion.

Critical exclusion is experienced by 16.9 percent of households. The risk of critical exclusion is very high for families with children: 2.7 times higher than the average in the country and 2.8 times higher than for families without children. The presence of at least one unemployed person in a household results in a 1.7 times higher risk of critical exclusion than for the average and a twice higher risk than for families without unemployed people. Critical exclusion is much more present in rural areas, especially when compared with large cities.

Exclusion from economic life leads to low standards of living and limits opportunities in other areas namely, accessing high-quality education, receiving adequate health care services and participating in the cultural and social life of society. The key drivers of economic exclusion are: unemployment or low status in the labour market, and low incomes which prevents access to resources, assets and services.

Insufficient income to meet fundamental needs is traditionally considered as the main manifestation of economic exclusion. If a household’s income per adult is lower than the nationally defined poverty

line, that household is considered economically excluded. This was the case, in 2009, for 26.4 percent of the Ukrainian households. This economic exclusion negatively impacts most children below 16 years and people aged 80 and above in a given household.

The highest risks of labour market exclusion fall on the unemployed, especially the long-term unemployed; on a few categories of the economically inactive population, in particular people who are no longer searching for a job, having lost hope of finding one; and on the employed with non-standard labour contract conditions or a specific nature of work which makes them socially vulnerable.

Youth is one of the most vulnerable groups of population on the labour market. They constitute almost 26 percent of the total number of the unemployed.

More than half the country’s households are excluded in terms of decent housing conditions; around one-third of these are poor.

Although the Constitution of Ukraine guarantees the right to receive free of charge health care services, access to health care is de facto restricted by level of income, social status and place of residence. Low income individuals usually cannot afford paying fees to doctors for the provision of better quality services, stay in hospitals and purchase of medicines.

Levels of exclusion from the social protection system depend on the specifics of the state’s social programmes and their targeting. Child birth benefits and child benefits until children are three years old are accessed by almost all eligible families. At the same time, only half of poor people benefit from the programme of assistance to low-income families. Over 80 percent of the homeless do not receive social assistan ce, as, often, they do not have identification documents. The majority of labour migrants are excluded from any social protection system, since they live abroad, most of the time illegally. Children of labour migrants suffer from a lack of parental care and support, which may lead to behaviours inconsistent with society’s norms and to their ending up homeless. The social exclusion risks for elderly people are linked to the conditions determining pensions, as well as the existence of family support.

Differences in cultural practices in the capital, oblast centres and the periphery (small towns and villages) create drivers of exclusion. Residents of cities can access a wide range of resources, such as television, internet, print publications, theatres, cinemas, sport clubs and tourism services, which are often unavailable in rural settlements. Rural inhabitants – one-third of the Ukrainian population – can usually access three or four television channels, wired radio and a local newspaper with limited scope.

Accessibility of quality education is critically important to social inclusion. The number of children in pre-school education establishments that not only provide child care services but also prepare for primary school entry has decreased, mainly because of a scaling-down of the preschool network during the transition period,  especially in rural areas. The number of secondary school institutions has also reduced due to demographic changes in rural areas and cities throughout the country.

Social inclusion policies should include the following components:

• Measures to foster general economic and political reforms aimed at comprehensive improvement of   the social and economic situation, sustainable economic growth, provision of all groups with access to basic social services and economic resources, etc.;

• Targeted measures aimed at eliminating the barriers to inclusion that specific groups face.

The Regional Human Development Report

The Regional Human Development Report articulates a single conceptual framework for social inclusion and human development. It treats human development as the ultimate goal and social inclusion as the means to get there.

The Report develops a new indicator, the Multidimensional Social Exclusion Index, which is experimental in nature and can be adapted to specific country circumstances. This includes 24 indicators reflecting deprivations in three dimensions: economic exclusion; exclusion from social services; and civic exclusion. These should not be understood as “fixed” but rather as a point of departure in national discourses on measuring social exclusion, from which nationally relevant indicators should be selected in an inclusive and participatory way.

Key Findings

More than one-third of the population of the region is socially excluded. The report estimates that, on average, 35 percent of the population in the region experiences social exclusion, ranging from 12 percent in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to 72 percent in Tajikistan.

Social exclusion is not determined by economic deprivation alone. On the contrary, the three dimensions of social exclusion all make a broadly similar contribution, and each plays a specific, necessary and complementary role in bringing about exclusion as an outcome. As such, in order to tackle social exclusion, all three dimensions of exclusion must be addressed.

The share of socially excluded people varies from country to country but the depth of their social exclusion is similar. Despite the wide range of population sizes, GDPs and levels of human development, the intensity of social exclusion is remarkably similar across the six countries. Being socially excluded in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia or Kazakhstan means facing generally the same number of deprivations.

Children, youth, the elderly, the unemployed, those with poor education and people living in rural areas face a larger than average magnitude of social exclusion. Social exclusion is highest for elderly people in all countries, at almost twice the national average, as in Ukraine (43 percent) and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (22 percent). On average, 42 percent of children and 35 percent of youth (aged 15–29) in the six countries live in households that experience social exclusion. The share of socially excluded children is particularly high in Tajikistan (73 percent) and the Republic of Moldova (47 percent).

Social exclusion outcomes are linked to drivers and local context. The report links the outcome of social exclusion to individual risks, drivers and local context, demonstrating that values and behaviour matter. For example, persons with disabilities constitute an important group at risk of social exclusion. The data allow a correlation of exclusion outcomes for persons with disabilities with the level of the local population’s tolerance of diversity. The magnitude of social exclusion of a person with disabilities ranges from 16 percent when living in a community in which the vast majority of the population is either in favour of, or at least not against, inclusive education, to 30 percent when living in a community less open to educational inclusion (with at least one-third of the population against such measures).

Tolerance of corruption increases exclusion outcomes. Magnitude of social exclusion is nine times higher in villages and seven times higher in small towns where most respondents are tolerant of informal side payments not only for medical treatment, education and social benefits but also to for results from local administrations.

Social exclusion also has a clear territorial dimension. The further people live from the capital city, the higher the magnitude of exclusion. The share of people found to be socially excluded is almost four times higher in rural areas than in urban areas. Living in rural areas with fewer job opportunities; limited access to goods, social services and means of transport; and weak social networks adds up to a massive disadvantage, driving more people into cities.

Social exclusion is highest in communities that were dominated by one or two companies prior to 1989. If these communities were to diversify their economic base and provide more employment opportunities, their average magnitude of social exclusion would decrease from 18 to 11 percent. Expansion of employment opportunities would be particularly effective in addressing social exclusion among young people. Magnitude of social exclusion for a young person with secondary education in a rural community with only one employment provider is more than three times higher than that for a young person with primary education in a small town with a variety of employers.

Recommendations. The Report concludes that social exclusion is a multidimensional phenomenon that can and should be measured. The specifics of the local context have profound implications for social exclusion. Governments need to break the vicious cycle of social exclusion and ensure an enabling environment that curtails the risks of social exclusion and enhances the opportunities for people to participate in society. Focusing on reducing income poverty or economic inclusion alone will not face down the challenge of social exclusion sustainably. The Report therefore argues that social inclusion requires integrated approaches targeting all three dimensions of social exclusion simultaneously – cases where addressing a single individual risk or driver leads to a sustainable and marked reduction in the magnitude of social exclusion would be the exception. As such, approaches based on multiple areas of interventions implemented in a concerted manner are needed, reflecting the complexity and dynamic nature of social exclusion.

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Текст

The ATA (Admission Temporaire) Carnet is a standardized international customs document used to obtain duty-free temporary admission of certain goods into the countries that are signatories to the ATA Convention. Under the ATA Convention, commercial and professional travelers may take: commercial samples; tools of the trade; advertising material; and cinematographic, audiovisual, medical, scientific, or other professional equipment into member countries temporarily without paying customs duties and taxes or posting a bond at the border of each country to be visited. The traveler should contact the U.S. Council for International Business to determine if the country to be visited is a member of the ATA Convention. The U.S. Council for International Business will answer questions regarding ATA Carnets and assist U.S. companies with the application. A fee is charged, depending on the value of the goods to be covered. A bond, letter of credit, or bank guaranty of 40 percent of the value of the goods is also required to cover duties and taxes that would be due if goods imported into a foreign country by carnet were not re-exported and the duties were not paid by the carnet holder. Carnets are generally valid for 12 months.

Тема 19. Перекладіть статтю з англійської на українську мову. Складіть словник і вивчіть невідомі слова на пам'ять. Придумайте зі словами з тексту 10 речень на переклад (з української мови на англійську).

Стаття

Ukrainian peacekeepers’ get UN Medals

8 June, 2011 – Officers of the Ukrainian Aviation Unit of the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) were rewarded for their achievements in maintaining peace and stability in Liberia, and the West African sub-region as a whole.

The Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG), Ellen Margrethe Løj praised the Ukrainian peacekeepers for working as “true ambassadors of peace,” noting that the Ukrainian Government responded positively to the request of the UN to support the UN Mission in Ivory Coast (UNOCI).

She said this response became evident as UNOCI grappled with the post-election crisis in Ivory Coast. “Your actions contributed to the resolution of the conflict,” the SRSG told the proud Ukrainian air ambassadors as enshrined in their motto: “Take off to the sky maintaining the peace.”

A recent meeting of the heads of UN missions in West Africa held in Dakar, Senegal noted this support and welcomed the ending of the electoral crisis and positive developments of the political situation in Côte d`Ivoire notably marked by the inauguration of President Alassane Ouattara in the presence of a number of dignitaries, including the UN Secretary General.

They also expressed concerns for the continuing refugee crisis along the border with Côte d’Ivoire, where UNHCR reports that over 180,000 refugees have crossed into Liberia since the beginning of the Ivorian crisis. 

As a result of the crisis in Ivory Coast, UNMIL has conducted re-deployment of its military force to ensure increased monitoring of the 700 km-long border between the two countries. The Ukrainian Aviation Unit is a major part of this effort to monitor this long and porous border.

Urging Liberians to replicate the peace and democracy in Ukraine, SRSG Løj said “building and consolidating peace is a collective responsibility of all.” She spoke of eight years of unbroken peace in Liberia, attributing it to the fine partnership between the UN, the Liberian Government and people, and other partners. “We want to preserve this hard earned peace in Liberia,” she emphasized. Ms. Løj wants all of the gains made in Liberia to be defended and safeguarded through another cycle of peaceful, credible and transparent elections this year.

The SRSG, paying tribute to the 275 Ukrainian peacekeepers for their outstanding contribution in Liberia and Ivory Coast, made special reference to one of their colleagues, Major Sulin Viacheslav who died while serving with UNMIL. “He paid the ultimate sacrifice while helping people in need.”

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Текст

Cost-Benefit Calculus for Occupation Must Change, as Israel Reaping All Benefits, Says Palestinian Rights Committee Chairman as UN Seminar Opens in Cairo

Secretary-General, in Message, Says Occupation Measures that Stifle

Palestinians ‘Must Be Rolled Back’, While Speakers Explore Ways to Ease Burden

(Received from a UN Information Officer.)

CAIRO, 6 February — United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, in a message today to the opening of the United Nations Seminar on Assistance to the Palestinian People, said that occupation measures that stifled Palestinian life must be rolled back, as the status quo was unacceptable and only guaranteed continued conflict and suffering.

Speaking on Mr. Ban’s behalf, Maxwell Gaylard, United Nations Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and United Nations Coordinator for Humanitarian and Development Activities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, said he remained hopeful that the momentum created by the start of direct talks in 2012 between the parties to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would ultimately lead to serious negotiations based on comprehensive proposals on territory and security, and an agreement for a two-State solution by the end of the year.

Addressing the two-day gathering in the capital of Egypt which brought together dignitaries, lawmakers, academicians, and civil society representatives in order to assess economic costs of the decades-old occupation, Mr. Ban said neither the parties nor the international community could afford to let the present opportunity slip away. 

Deeming the current situation “unacceptable”, he urged the parties, “at this crucial moment”, to refrain from provocative action and do their utmost to resolve all permanent status issues by the end of the year, leading to the end of the conflict and the establishment of an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian State living side-by-side in peace with a secure Israel, and with Jerusalem as the capital of two States. 

Drawing attention to the Egyptian revolution of 25 January, the First Under-Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt said the “New Egypt” was an integral part of the Arab popular movement.  It was a model for other popular movements to advocate fundamental principles and values, namely, “bread, freedom and social justice”.  “It set the pace of our path to democracy, progress, the respect of human rights and laid the very foundation of our relationships with the rest of the world.”

Israel should be aware of, and should respond to and not resist that change, he said.  All parties need to fully adapt to the transformation of the political map in the region, and act in acceptance of that change.  The old policies would not be appropriate, and words without acts would soon prove useless.  “We strongly hope that this change would eventually be in favour of the Palestinian people and its legitimate cause, since the alternative is the worst scenario that no country has any interest in opting for,” he said.

In order to avoid that worst scenario, he said, the international community had to take a crucial decision this year:  reaching a final settlement.  Rather than duplicating efforts, and wasting opportunities in individual frameworks and initiatives, it was necessary to integrate all those efforts in an overarching approach, in an international meeting or conference that would lead to a specific outcome, a final solution for the Palestinian people, backed by the peoples of the Arab region, and accepted by any other parties, not only for the individual, but rather for the collective interest. 

He said that amid the developments in the region, Egypt was unwavering in its support of the Palestinian people.  It reaffirmed its solid commitment to building its historical role in that regard and striving to restore the Palestinian people’s rights aimed at achieving a just peace, ending occupation and restoring unity.  Speaking on behalf of the Egyptian presidency of the Non-Aligned Movement, he reaffirmed the Movement’s support to the Meeting and considered it a priority to restore the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, Abdou Salam Diallo, urged a change in “the cost-benefit calculus for the occupation”.  Palestine had the distinction, he said, of being among the world’s top aid recipients, solely because for decades the Israeli occupation had been starving the Palestinian economy of land, investments, natural resources, markets and opportunities. 

More than 40 per cent of the West Bank was off-limits to Palestinians, serving the needs of half a million Israeli settlers, he said.  The separation wall was poised to swallow up a further 9 per cent of the territory.  Housing demolitions and evictions had doubled; settler crimes and vandalism were up 40 per cent.  Israel was blocking Gaza exports and vital imports, preventing the rebuilding of its devastated economy, and fragmentation and restrictions plagued the West Bank. 

The occupation, he said, caused vast economic damage, including lost output, the plundering of natural resources and environmental degradation, which ran into billions of dollars annually.  Without the occupation, the Palestinian economy would double its size, and there would be no need for assistance.

International assistance was expected to bolster the peace process and prepare the Palestinian economy for independence, but in reality, the aid all too often went to mitigate the humanitarian crisis, plug budget gaps, and undo the damage caused by the occupation, he said.  Just recently, Israel blew up the Karni goods crossing into Gaza, built with European Union aid. 

A vicious cycle had emerged, whereby the occupation, which was in its forty-fifth year, aggravated the Palestinian economic plight and deepened their aid dependency, he said.  The economic vulnerability was handicapping Palestinians in the diplomatic arena, making it more difficult to break free of the occupation. 

Israel, meanwhile, was reaping all the benefits of the occupation:  a captive market, cheap labour, natural resources, and land, to further its colonial project.  However, Israel was insulated from the economic costs, which were borne by the Palestinians and the donor community. The good news was that the Palestinian leadership, aware of the pitfalls, was doing something about it.  Recent initiatives to boost domestic revenues were a step towards eliminating the need for external budgetary assistance.  

That was not to say assistance to the Palestinians was becoming less important; on the contrary, the need was becoming greater, he said.  What was needed was “smarter assistance”, which promoted self-reliance, stimulated rather than crowded out private investment, and empowered Palestinians.  Robust engagement on the part of the donor community would be key. 

In other moves, the Gaza blockade must be lifted completely, and measures of the occupation in the West Bank must be reversed, including a complete stop to all settlement activity.  The Palestinian revenues should be safeguarded against politicized manipulation by Israel.  At the same time, he urged the donor community to maintain its focus and respond generously to the 2012 Humanitarian Appeal launched by Mr. Gaylard, and to the emergency appeal by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

Speaking on behalf of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, Ali Al-Jarbawi, Minister for Planning and Administrative Development, Palestinian Authority, asked how the economic costs for usurping a nation from its people could be calculated; how could one calculate the economic cost of the humanitarian plight for a victim living under occupation for 44 years?  As a Palestinian citizen living under occupation since age 13, how could he calculate the cost?  Every Palestinian needed to make that calculation, but the matter surpassed economic and all other costs.

More than affirming the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, the international community should practice that right and not just keep talking about it, he said.  It must take effective steps to end the occupation.  It was regrettable and shameful that, at the start of the twenty-first century, the domination and occupation persisted.  The world must deal with and discuss that occupation and the ways and means to end it promptly to enable the Palestinian people to practice their simple humanitarian, political and natural rights — to live in freedom and dignity in an independent and sovereign State.

Then, in a keynote address, Minister Al-Jarbawi summarized the main developments in the Arab world over the past year, which, he said, would define the region’s politics for years to come.  The Arab people “have spoken”, demanding their freedom and self-determination; the Palestinian people had too.  He described the steps they had taken last year towards full United Nations membership, but said that, sadly, those had not translated into an endorsement by the United Nations Security Council as the State of Palestine.  Recognition of statehood was fundamentally a political process and not a technical one, and ending an occupation did not even require a certain level of development, but the quest did not mean much if occupying forces “do not want to let go”. 

At the same time, however, recognition of Palestinian statehood was not just a symbolic act; it would cease all violations of human rights and international law that were part of daily life in the Occupied Territory, including in the West Bank, Gaza and Jerusalem.  Israel did not want that.  Palestine’s admission to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was a clear display of the world’s support for Palestine’s bid for freedom; out of 194 member States, only 14 had voted against it.  Despite that broad support, however, Palestinians were still suffering from the political fallout from that vote.  Nevertheless, that setback would not prevent them from re-launching the endeavour for statehood in 2012 through either the Security Council or other United Nations organs.  In parallel with those efforts, the Palestinians had continued to build strong institutions as the foundation for statehood, but it was close to the limit of what could be achieved while living under a hostile occupation regime.  Palestinians “cannot continue sharpening a sharpened pencil,” he said.

Meanwhile, he said, the Israeli-imposed fragmentation and seizure of Palestinian land had escalated.  Israel did not hide its plan to expand settlements in Jerusalem and the West Bank.  Although the international community condemned that, stating that the settlements undermined peace, nothing was done to prevent their construction.  In Jerusalem, for example, new housing units had reached new highs, and in the West Bank, east of the separation wall, there had been an increase in construction by 20 per cent as compared to 2010.  In short, the Israeli Government was promoting settlement plans in strategic areas, which would prevent the formation of a viable Palestinian State.

Turning to the economic cost of Israeli occupation and efforts towards mitigating it, he said that Israeli measures had cost the Palestinian economy $7 billion in 2010, an amount close to its annual gross domestic product.  That was the result of heavy restrictions imposed on Palestinians in accessing their own natural resources, including their water, land, minerals and natural gas reserves.  “It is pure theft,” he said.  The siege of Gaza represented another major cost, as well as a cruel assault on the civilian population; it also created a “black” economy.  Other losses stemmed from the inflated costs of water and electrical supplies by Israeli companies. 

The Israelis wanted land and to squeeze the Palestinians into cantons, and then call that a Palestinian State or even a Palestinian empire, he said.  They want the land and the resources, “but they don’t want us”.  That was “the game in town, in the Occupied Territory”.  However, limited Palestinian self-government in 40 per cent of the West Bank, under whatever name, would never be an acceptable substitute for statehood.  While the international community might be forced by Israel, Israel would never get Palestinian approval for “having a State of leftovers”.  If everyone was serious about a two-State solution, then the fragmentation of Palestinian lands into areas A, B and C needed to be overcome.  That situation was “apartheid reborn”; Palestinian children should never know about areas A, B and C, but only about the State of Palestine.

An ensuing discussion heard interventions by representatives of Governments, intergovernmental organizations and the United Nations system.  Among them was a representative of Palestine’s Embassy in Cairo, who discussed the basic elements required for economic growth, which included full control by the Palestinians over their natural resources, as well as freedom of movement of both people and goods, including imports and exports.  That would make the climate conducive for investment.  Political stability was also required for any sustainable social and economic growth.  He noted that settlers were using water and land resources that belonged to the Palestinian people. 

The representative of Turkey said the international community could not fail to support the legitimate call for Palestinian statehood and continue to empower Palestinian institutions and mechanisms for statehood.  The representative of the League of Arab States recalled that Israel had been established by a decision of the United Nations, yet it did not heed the Organization’s resolutions.  Thus, the international community had a responsibility to urge the texts’ implementation and stop the vicious cycle of demolitions and destruction.  He noted that Palestinians were forced to buy water and electricity from Israelis at exorbitant prices.

A representative of Indonesia highlighted the “unbearable” economic and humanitarian predicament. The blockade, he said, made it impossible for the massive reconstruction required in Gaza, where hospitals, businesses and schools remained in ruins.  The separation wall was part of Israel’s deployment of physical obstacles, as was the use of complicated permit requirements, especially in and around East Jerusalem.  Together, those developments had not only worsened the humanitarian situation in the Occupied Territory, but had sown the seeds of deeper misery.  Private businesses had continued to shut down at a fast pace, leading to greater unemployment and disillusionment.  Despite all that, Palestinians had continued their historical State-building programme, for which they should be heartily commended. 

A representative of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation pointed to Israel’s continued intransigence of international norms, saying its Government obstructed all efforts to achieve the two-State solution by continuing its settlement construction.  The occupation forces attacked holy sites and attempted to Judaize Jerusalem and isolate it from the rest of the Occupied Territory.  He called on the international community to pressure Israel to lift the Gaza blockade and allow construction and medical supplies through, and on donors to help the beleaguered enclave.  The situation had become more urgent than ever, and the international community should assume direct responsibility for finding a just and permanent solution.  Lack of a solution would destabilize the region and jeopardize international peace and security.

The United Nations Seminar will meet again at 3 p.m. today in a plenary session to consider “Israeli occupation as the paramount obstacle to socio-economic development in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip”.