М
еждународный
консорциум «Электронный университет»
Московский государственный университет экономики,
статистики и информатики
Евразийский открытый институт
Г.В. Кузьмина, С.С. Хромов
Практический курс перевода первого иностранного языка
Английский язык
Учебное пособие
М
осква,
2009
УДК 811.111
ББК 81.2Англ
К 893
К 893 |
Кузьмина, Г.В., Хромов, С.С. ПРАКТИЧЕСКИЙ КУРС ПЕРЕВОДА ПЕРВОГО ИНОСТРАННОГО ЯЗЫКА. Английский язык : учебное пособие. – М. : Изд. центр ЕАОИ, 2009. – 176 с. ISBN 978-5-374-00298-0 Учебное пособие предназначено для студентов продвинутого этапа обучения гуманитарных специальностей. Пособие базируется на оригинальном материале, помогающем сформировать навыки устного и письменного перевода. Специальные упражнения, следующие за текстами, предназначены для закрепления пройденного материала, дальнейшего расширения словарного запаса и развития самостоятельной критической оценки прочитанного и тем самым способствуют развитию коммуникативных и культурологических навыков и умений. Учебное пособие представлено также в электронной форме. |
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УДК 811.111 ББК 81.2Англ |
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ISBN 978-5-374-00298-0 |
Кузьмина Г.В., 2009 Хромов С.С., 2009 Оформление. Евразийский открытый институт, 2009 |
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С одержание
Тема I. PRINCIPLES OF FURTHER INTEGRATION 4
Тема II. A CONSTITUTION FOR THE FUTURE OF EUROPE (abstracts from the speech of Romano Prodi – President of the European Commission, Milan, 15 July 2002) 18
Тема III. TRADE PERSPECTIVES OF THE EU WITH RUSSIA 34
Тема IV. THE EU AND RUSSIA ' S INTERESTS 50
Тема V. CONTRADICTIONS AMONG LEADING FORCES AND NEW CHALLENGES 65
Тема VI. THE EUROPEAN UNION AND RUSSIA: TOWARDS A COMMON STRATEGY? 83
Тема VII. ROLE OF THE EBC IN STRENTHENING OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA 100
Тема VIII. BSGV AS A TYPICAL ILLUSTRATION OF THE FINANCIAL COOPERATION WITH RUSSIA 114
Тесты 159
Т
ема
I.
PRINCIPLES OF FURTHER INTEGRATION
After Denmark's rejection of the euro, and with enlargement looming, the European Union must learn to live with dissent.
The rule used to be that the European Union made big decisions by consensus. At the limit, governments would settle for an illusion of consensus, as they did when designing the single currency at their Maastricht summit in 1991. They talked as if all countries would "opt in" to the euro in due course, even if some stayed out at first.
Denmark's vote to reject the euro has shattered that particular fiction – and, with it, the idea that the EU can aim to go on agreeing on all big things. The members divide openly on the biggest EU project of all, monetary union, with 12 in and three out. They look set to remain divided for years yet.
Admit that the Union is divided deeply by monetary union, and perhaps you can begin admitting that it is divided by lots of other basic things. There are deep disagreements about the desirability of truly open borders, about the need for common tax policies, and about the feasibility of a common defense policy.
Not that all countries were really unanimous about many of the policies the Union adopted in years gone by. The horse-traded defeats here against victories there. The badly hurt were soothed with bribes, flattery and get-out clauses.
The message of the Danish vote, that Europe must learn to live with dissent, even on fundamentals, comes none too soon. Consensus is doomed in any event be the approaching expansion of the Union into Central Europe. The club may gain a dozen or so new members in the decade ahead. All are, or should be, fine countries. But together they will create a Union that is far more diverse geographically, economically, culturally and politically even it is now. Even general discussion, let alone agreement, will become difficult with 27 ministers or ambassadors all expecting equal time at any given meeting. So the question becomes: what other principle, if not consensus, can guide the Union towards further integration? There are three possible answers.
The first is to say the Union should think less about big new adventures, more about using better the powers it already has. That has been roughly the British position, save that Britain is keen on more European foreign and defense policy. Tony Blair was due to outline his vision for Europe in a speech in Warsaw on October 6th, calling for enlargement to begin in 2004.
The second big option would be for governments to accept a more supranational Union. They would rely more on the institutions of Brussels, the Europe Commission and the European Parliament. And they would decide more things by majority voting among themselves, instead of insisting, as now, on unanimity in all basic and controversial policy areas.
The third big option for the Union, in lieu of consensus, would be to make life easier for subgroups of countries that wanted to pursue new projects among themselves. In EU jargon, this idea is called "flexibility, or "enhanced cooperation". Less enthusiastic members could stay out of such projects. But they would lose the power, which they have under current EU law, to block them.
Flexibility is favored by President Jacques Chirac of France. He thinks, with the aid of flexibility, that France and Germany could together lead a new "pioneering group" of countries, giving the lead, in turn, to the rest of Europe.
Of these three big options for the European Union, more supra-nationalism has the least chance of prevailing. Most governments and most voters dislike it. Flexibility has the best chance. Even Britain has warned to its possibilities.
But what then? Perhaps not all that much. Despite their occasional outbursts of Euro-rhetoric, both Mr.Shirac and Gerhard Schrцder, Germany's chancellor, are pragmatic and fairly conservative in European policy. If they want their countries to lead the EU, it is not out of burning enthusiasm for the United States of Europe, but because they reckon they can best advance their national interests that way.
Flexibility might lead to some interesting practical projects quite quickly, if France and Germany wanted to put their stamp on things: a common regulator for securities markets within the euro-zone, say, or the pooled ownership of some big transport planes for Europe's armies.
Bur fears of a "two-speed Europe" are premature. Even with flexibility in place, more radical projects, the start voters notice, will be much too risky. They will come only when the euro has bedded down properly, enlargement is well under way and, not least, when the EU regains some solid popularity with the people who live in it. The first of those things is probably a year or two away. The second is at least five years away. And the third may be more distant still.
Notes:
dissent (uncountable noun) – refusal to agree, especially with an opinion that is held by most people; difference of opinion: The proposal was approved with little dissent;
to soothe – to make someone feel calmer and less anxious, upset, or angry: Rocking often soothes a crying baby. I bought some lozenges to soothe my sore throat;
to shatter – to break suddenly into very small pieces;
horse-trading (uncountable noun) – mainly used in journalism means difficult and sometimes dishonest discussion between people who are trying to reach an agreement;
horse-trade (figurative) – торги; horse-trading – торги;
flattery (uncountable noun) – insincere praise; лесть: She uses a mixture of charm and flattery to get what she wants;
to get out (phrasal verb) – to produce to publish: We hope to get the report out very soon;
not least – не в последнюю очередь;
not in the least – ни в малейшей степени, ничуть, нисколько;
at least – по крайней мере; самое меньшее.
Active Vocabulary:
consensus – согласованное мнение, общее согласие; консенсус;
on the basis of consensus – на основе консенсуса;
to adopt something by consensus – принять что-л. путем консенсуса, на основе консенсуса;
to build consensus – создать консенсус, добиться консенсуса;
to provide consensus – обеспечить консенсус;
to reach consensus – прийти к согласованному мнению/ решению и т.п., достичь согласованного мнения/ согласования/консенсуса;
consensus went against both ideas – оба предложения не получили консенсуса;
controversial – спорный, противоречивый, дискуссионный;
controversial contentions – спорные, противоречивые утверждения/точки зрения;
controversial paragraphs – спорные пункты;
controversial point/question/problem – спорный пункт/вопрос, спорная проблема;
flexibility – 1. гибкость, маневренность; 2. податливость, уступчивость;
price flexibility – эластичность цен;