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Psychological Games

 

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1

Don’t confess

Prisoner

 

 

Confess

Prisoner 2

 

 

Don’t confess

 

Confess

 

 

 

 

4

 

6

 

4

0

 

 

 

 

 

 

0

 

1

 

6

1

 

FIGURE 15.5

 

The Prisoners Dilemma

 

 

 

infinitely repeated game). The folk theorem tells us that in repeated games, players can enforce nearly any outcome if each player employs a strategy in which they punish any player who deviates from that outcome in every period after a deviation forever. The only outcomes that could not be enforced in this way are outcomes for which eternal punishment by all others in the game does not erase the gains from deviating from the outcome being enforced. For example, two players playing the common prisoner’s dilemma repeatedly for eternity could (if payouts are designed right) sustain collusion for eternity if both players employ a strategy in which they defect in every period after the other player has defected. One example of such a prisoner’s dilemma is presented in Figure 15.5. Collusion in this case means both players would choose not to confess, though each would be better off in any single period by confessing no matter what the other player’s strategy that period is. The long-term threat of punishment can lead to a condition in which players behave as if they are seeking their mutual benefit. However, truly, this is just self-serving behavior.

Psychological Games

Rabins fairness model and equilibrium is a special case of a more-general class of games known as psychological games. Psychological games have been suggested as a way to include higher-order beliefs in simple games. These higher-order beliefs can include how people believe they will be perceived or how players will perceive the other players who receive various rewards. For example, fairness relies on the perception of whether others are being cruel or kind. More generally, psychological games can be used to model other emotions such as guilt, anger, surprise, condence, or sympathy. In general, the payoff of one player can depend upon the motivations and emotions of others. In other words, each players payoffs depend at least partially on what everyone in the game thinks the others are doing. These higher-order beliefs become part of the utility function, much like the fairness coefcients were incorporated into the payoff functions of players. Psychological games were originally proposed by John Geanakoplos, David Pearce, and

 

 

 

 

 

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FAIRNESS AND PSYCHOLOGICAL GAMES

Ennio Stacchetti, who demonstrate the concept through a series of simple games in which one of the players do not have any moves. Two of these games are instructive.

Consider rst a man who has already asked a woman out on a date. He doesnt know if the woman likes him or doesnt like him. Whether or not she will accept is a function of whether she likes him and of whether she believes he is condent that she will accept. His own utility of her either accepting or rejecting the date depends upon whether he expects that she will accept or not. The more condent he is, the more he will enjoy the date. The more pessimistic he is, the less he will enjoy the date, but also the less disappointed he will be if she says no.

Suppose that nature determines whether the woman likes him or not, and that the probability of her liking him is 0.50. She wants to go out with a relatively condent man. If the woman likes him, her utility of accepting the date is given by uwomanacceptlike = 3q + s, where q is her belief regarding the mans belief of the probability she would say yes if she likes him. The variable s represents her belief as to his belief of the probability she would say yes if she did not like him. Thus, she receives a higher utility from going on the date if she thinks he believes she will say yes whether she likes him or not. Her utility of saying no is given by uwomanrejectlike = 1. Alternatively, if she does not like him, her utility of accepting is uwomanaccept doesnt like = 0 and the utility of rejecting is uwomanrejectdoesnt like = 1.

His utility is given by uman accept = 1 + q + s, whether she likes him or not, where q is his belief regarding her probability of accepting if she likes him and s is his belief regarding her probability of accepting if she does not. Thus, his utility of her accepting is higher if it is a high-probability eventhe doesnt like the risk of being rejected even if he is not rejected. Alternatively, if she rejects, he will receive umanreject = − 4q + s whether or not she likes him. If he is rejected, he would rather rejection to have been a high-probability eventhe wouldnt have had high expectations.

The solution concept for a psychological game requires that all beliefs reect reality, just as in the fairness equilibrium. In this case, this means s = s = r, where r is the actual probability of her accepting his offer if she doesnt like him determined by her employed strategy, and q = q = p, where p is the actual probability of her accepting his offer if she likes him determined by her strategy. Clearly, if she does not like him, she will always reject in any equilibrium obtaining a utility of 1 rather than 0. Thus, s = s = r = 0. If we examine only pure strategies (where actions are taken with certainty) then her accepting with probability 1 given she likes him would imply q = q = p = 1, and thus she would receive uwomanacceptlike = 3 which is greater than uwomanrejectlike = 1. This would constitute one equilibrium. In this case, because she is so likely to accept, he is very condent and is thus a much more enjoyable date.

Alternatively, if she rejects with probability 1 given she likes him, then q = q = p = 0, and thus she would receive uwomanrejectlike = 1, which is greater than uwomanaccept like = 0. This also constitutes an equilibrium. In this case, because she is so discerning, he lacks condence, which means he wouldnt have been much of a date anyway.

If all players have realistic beliefs and the solution is a Nash equilibrium given those beliefs, we call it a psychological equilibrium. The key to nding the psychological equilibrium is noting that the payoffs to each strategy change depending on the beliefs of each player. Thus, in equilibrium, the beliefs must be consistent with reality, and the players must still have the incentive to play the strategies implied by their beliefs.

 

 

 

 

Psychological Games

 

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In general, we look for a psychological equilibrium as the solution to any game in which beliefs are incorporated into the payoff functions of the participants. It is possible to incorporate higher-order beliefs (e.g., Player 1s belief about Player 2s belief about Player 1 and so on) of any order into the psychological game. Such games have been key to interpreting the odd behavior often observed in practice when examining games in an experimental lab.

EXAMPLE 15.8 Guilt and Grit

The game that virtually all students of economics are familiar with is the prisoner’s dilemma, pictured in Figure 15.5. The story, as you recall, is that two men have committed a crime. The police have arrested the men but have insufficient evidence. They place the prisoners in separate rooms for interrogation. If both prisoners keep their mouths shut, both get short sentences. If one confesses, implicating the other, the one who confesses goes free and the betrayed prisoner gets a long sentence. If both confess, both get moderate sentences.

The Nash equilibrium for this game is given by (confess, confess). Given Prisoner 1 chooses to confess (and implicate Prisoner 2), Prisoner 2 does strictly worse by choosing not to confess (and implicate Prisoner 1). If Prisoner 1 chooses not to confess, Prisoner 2 does strictly better by confessing and vice versa.

But suppose that, in addition to the time in jail, we considered the prisoner’s feelings of guilt or vindication in their payoffs. For example, suppose that Prisoner 1 is the dominant thief and the mastermind of their heist. He feels Prisoner 2 is somewhat spineless and dimwitted. Thus, Prisoner 1 would take some satisfaction in demonstrating his grit by not confessing if he believes Prisoner 2 is going to waffle under pressure and confess. Thus, Prisoner 1’s perception of the probability that Prisoner 2 will confess will increase the payoff to not confessing and decrease the payoff to confessing whether Prisoner 2 actually confesses. Prisoner 1 would feel this satisfaction in addition to the disutility resulting from the substantial jail sentence he will serve. Prisoner 1 will feel like a wimp if he decides to confess and Prisoner 2 does not even though this would result in Prisoner 1 going free. Thus, Prisoner 1’s perception of the probability of Prisoner 2 confessing enhances the payoff to confessing and decreases the payoff to not confessing if Prisoner 2 doesn’t confess. Alternatively, Prisoner 2 is rather timid and also very worried about how Prisoner 1 perceives him. Thus, he would feel embarrassed and guilty if he is found to have confessed while Prisoner 1 did not. Thus, his utility of confessing if Player 1 does not confess is enhanced if it was highly probable Prisoner 1 was going to confess. Let p represent the beliefs of Prisoner 2 regarding Prisoner 1’s probability of confessing. Further, let q represent Prisoner 1’s beliefs regarding Prisoner 2’s probability of confessing. Then, we could represent the prisoners’ payoffs as in Figure 15.6.

In this case, the Nash equilibrium of the standard game could not be the Nash equilibrium of the psychological game. In that outcome, both choose to confess, so p = p = q = q = 1. In this case, Prisoner 1 obtains 0 and would clearly prefer not to confess. Alternatively, consider the outcome in which neither prisoner confesses. In this case, p = p = q = q = 0. Prisoner 1 is indifferent between confessing and not confessing, receiving a utility of 5 in either case. Alternatively, Prisoner 2 strongly prefers to not

 

 

 

 

 

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FAIRNESS AND PSYCHOLOGICAL GAMES

FIGURE 15.6

The Prisoners Dilemma with Guilt and Grit

1

Don’t confess

Prisoner

 

 

Confess

Prisoner 2

Don’t confess

Confess

 

 

4

6–3(1–)

4+(1–)

0+

 

 

0

1

6–(1–)

1–

 

 

confess, receiving a utility of 4 rather than 3. Thus, in this case, both players could enforce collusion owing to the emotional responses they have to how they might be perceived by the other player. Although this might not be an accurate description of the emotions or beliefs involved, the prediction is closer to observed behavior in an experimental prisoner’s dilemma. Results in the laboratory suggest that people are much more likely to try to collude than to confess. However, it is difficult to observe or discern the emotional responses and higher-order beliefs they are employing. Thus, although we have some evidence higher-order beliefs are involved, we do not really know what form they take.

History and Notes

The behavioral economists who research the concepts of fairness, altruism, equity, and related concepts have been very slow to arrive at a common

vocabulary. Some authors refer to fairness as defined in this chapter as reciprocity. Others use the word fairness to describe what we have defined as equity. Each of these terms has been used commonly to mean very

different things. This has led to a condition in which most academic papers must define every term they use to avoid confusion with other common uses. I have chosen the definitions and terminology primarily because they are the terms used in the papers I first came to read in the literature as a student and not necessarily because they are the most common definitions.

Part of the confusion in definition goes beyond the standard problems that always arise at the onset of a new literature. Most of the concepts of fairness and equity are based upon historical arguments among philosophers about the most desirable distribution of wealth among people. These philosophers (who helped define the field of welfare economics) also had difficulty agreeing on what was fair and just. For example, John

 

 

 

 

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Rawls argued that we are best off with the policies that yield the best outcome for the worst-off person. Others have suggested we should maximize the sum of all incomes in the economy or perhaps use some weighting of the average income. Pareto’s notion was that we are better off as a society when someone is made batter off with no one being made worse off. Fairness to some has meant that all achieve the same income. Others use fairness to describe an outcome where all are rewarded equally for equal innovation and work. These are not likely to be concepts that we can come to a true philosophical agreement on. In any case, it can be useful to have a common language to describe the different concepts that can be used in modeling behavior.

Biographical Note

© Andreas Teichmann/laif/Redux

Ernst Fehr (1956)

Undergraduate degree, Bregenz, Austria, 1975; M.S., University of Vienna 1980; Ph.D., University of Vienna, 1986; held faculty positions at University of Technology in Vienna, University of Zurich, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and New York University

Ernst Fehr completed his undergraduate studies in business and continued on to obtain both his masters and Ph.D. degrees in economics. Fehr has made major contributions to the theory of social

preferences, and in particular how people choose to cooperate with one another or how they fail to cooperate. He is one of the best-known experimental economists in the world, with several of his experimental pieces being among the most highly cited economics papers. His work ranges from tightly designed experiments in a laboratory to wide-ranging eld experiments. His experimental work has been extremely inuential in developing and rening theories of social preferences. Several of his contributions are highly theoretical, addressing some of the most fundamental and long-standing economics questions (e.g., regarding the existence of money illusion). His work is at the forefront of behavioral economics, incorporating theories from evolution, sociology, and psychology, including some major contributions in neuroeconomics. He often claims that standard economics has tried too hard to strip humans of all of their recognizably human traits: their emotions, compassion, and social awareness. Fehr has won several prizes and awards for his work, including the distinguished Marcel Benoist Prize, given to researchers for outstanding achievements in science and the humanities, and four honorary doctoral degrees. He is a fellow of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

 

 

 

 

 

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T H O U G H T Q U E S T I O N S

1.Inequity aversion has been used to explain why outcomes in the ultimatum and dictator games deviate so distinctly from the selsh outcomes generally predicted in economic theory.

(a)Derive the predictions of the inequity aversion utility function found in equation 15.1 for Kah-

neman, Knetsch, and Thalers experiment in Example 15.4. Assume α = β = 0.5. Remember that utility is now a function of each players monetary outcome.

(b)Derive the predictions of inequity aversion in the prisoners dilemma.

(c)Often, political arguments are made in terms of inequity aversion. For example, in September 2011, thousands of protesters occupied Wall Street and other venues, protesting what they claimed was an unfair economy. Their targets were clearly those making mass amounts of money in investing. Which theories of social preferences would best describe the actions of such protesters? What might these theories say about the response by investors, investment rms, or the government?

2.Consumers often impose rules of fairness on the rms that sell them goods, leading to the failure of markets to clear. Several theories suggest that when markets clear, we achieve a desirable outcome in terms of market welfare (the sum of consumer and producer surplus). Suppose a disaster occurs, causing a severe decline in the amount of gasoline on hand in the affected region. Standard economic theory would suggest the price of gasoline should rise to eliminate shortages. Suppose that because of the perception of consumers, rms do not let prices rise. What is the impact on consumer and producer surplus? Who wins and who loses? Why might rms comply with this rule?

3.Consider again the prisoners dilemma. Use the kindness functions dened in equations 15.14 and 15.16 to determine a fairness equilibrium for the game. Describe how the motivation for fairness could lead to such an equilibrium. Use the same functions to derive the fairness equilibrium for the dictator game. Does fairness appear to explain the outcomes commonly

found in experimental implementations of either of these games?

4.Consider the game represented in Figure 15.7, often referred to as Chicken. This game is intended to represent the decisions in a game of chicken where two drivers drive their cars directly at each other on a narrow road. The drivers can either dare to continue driving straight, or chicken out and turn off the road. Daring to stay on the road while the other chickens out will yield a big reward. However, if both dare to stay on the road they will both almost certainly die. Solve this game for the fairness equilibria using the kindness functions dened in equations 15.14 and 15.16. How do the equilibria depend upon the value of x? Provide an interpretation of this result.

 

 

Player 2

 

 

Dare

Chicken

 

 

–2x

0

 

Dare

 

 

1

 

–2x

2x

Player

 

 

 

 

2x

x

 

Chicken

 

 

 

 

0

x

 

 

 

 

FIGURE 15.7

Chicken

5.Consider the extensive form psychological game described by Figure 15.8 in which Player 1 rst can choose either Down, resulting in a reward of 0 for both players, or Up, resulting in a node in which Player 2

can choose either Up or Down. If Player 2 chooses Up, Player 1 receives a reward of − p, where p is Player 1s belief regarding Player 2s belief of the probability that Player 1 will choose Up. Solve for all the psychological equilibria. Which of these equilibria are subgame

perfect?

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