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7 August 2012 Last updated at 09:02 GMT

Syria profile (BBC)

Once the centre of the Islamic Empire, Syria covers an area that has seen invasions and occupations over the ages, from Romans and Mongols to Crusaders and Turks.

A country of fertile plains, high mountains and deserts, it is home to diverse ethnic and religious groups, including Kurds, Armenians, Assyrians, Christians, Druze, Alawite Shias and Arab Sunnis, the last of who make up a majority of the Muslim population.

Modern Syria gained its independence from France in 1946, but has lived through periods of political instability driven by the conflicting interests of these various groups.

From 1958-61 it united with Nasser's Egypt, but an army coup restored independence before the Alawite-controlled pan-Arab Baath (Renaissance) party took control in 1963. It has ruled ever since, although the 2011 uprising has cast doubt on its longevity.

Baath government has seen authoritarian rule at home and a strong anti-Western policy abroad, particularly under President Hafez al-Assad from 1970 to 2000. In 1967 Syria lost the Golan Heights to Israel after the Arab defeat in the Six Day War. Civil war in neighbouring Lebanon in the 1970s allowed it to extend its political and military influence in that country.

Syria pulled its forces out of Lebanon in 2005, having come under intense international pressure to do so after the assassination of Lebanese former prime minister Rafik Hariri. A UN report implicated Syrian and pro-Syria Lebanese officials in the killing, although Damascus still denies any involvement.

At a glance

  • Politics: Political power is held by a small elite, opposition is supressed. The government is using violence to halt an uprising inspired by the Arab Spring

  • Economy: The government made reform of its under-performing state-run economy a priority until the uprising put all other plans on hold

  • International: Syria has become increasingly isolated over its handling of the uprising and its interference in Lebanon

The government deals harshly with domestic opposition. Tens of thousands are estimated to have been killed in the suppression of the 1982 uprising of the Muslim Brotherhood in Hama.

Following the death of Hafez al-Assad in 2000 Syria underwent a brief period of relaxation. Hundreds of political prisoners were released, but real political freedoms and a shake-up of the state-dominated economy never materialised.

In 2011-12 security forces used tanks, gunfire and mass arrests to try to crush anti-government street protests inspired by the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. These protests rapidly took on a more formal nature when the opposition began to organise political and military wings for a long uprising against the Baath government. As 2012 wore on, the stand-off escalated into something approaching civil war, with defections from the governing elite signalling the steady collapse of central authority.

International isolation

On the world stage Syria has been increasingly isolated in recent years, coming under fire for its support for insurgents in Iraq and over its role in Lebanon.

That isolation showed signs of easing after efforts by France to bring Syria back into the international fold in 2008, but allegations of Syria's violation of a UN ban on arming the Lebanese Hezbollah militia led to the extension of US sanctions in May 2010. Further international sanctions were imposed amid the bloody repression of protests in 2011-12.

Syria has been one of Israel's most intransigent opponents, and the Assad governments have supported a number of armed organisations that carry out attacks on Israel - most notably Lebanon's Hezbollah and the Gaza-based Palestinian group Hamas, along with various Palestinian splinter groups. Hopes for reconciliation have repeatedly foundered over Syria's support for these groups and the vexed question of the Golan Heights.

8 June 2012 Last updated at 14:14 GMT (BBC)

Syria: Guide to the conflict

What is happening in Syria?

A bloody internal conflict is threatening to become a full-blown civil war. Syria's government has been trying to suppress a popular uprising since March 2011, employing increasing levels of violence. Now, with a militia mainly drawn from President Bashar al-Assad's Alawite sect accused of massacres, there are fears the violence could become more sectarian in nature. According to the UN, thousands have so far been killed.

What sort of country is it?

The family of President Bashar al-Assad has been in power since his father, Hafez, took over in a coup in 1970. The country underwent some liberalisation after Bashar became president in 2000, but the pace of change soon slowed, if not reversed. Critics are imprisoned, domestic media are tightly controlled, and economic policies often benefit the elite. The country's human rights record is among the worst in the world.

Is it ethnically or religiously divided?

Syria is a country of 21 million people with a Sunni Muslim majority (74%) and significant minorities of Alawites - the Shia heterodox sect to which Mr Assad belongs - and Christians. Mr Assad promotes a secular identity for the country, but he has concentrated power in the hands of family and other Alawites. Opposition remains strongest among the poorer sections of the majority Sunni community.

Are there social and economic issues?

Under the sanctions imposed by the Arab League, US and EU, Syria's two most vital sectors, tourism and oil, have ground to a halt in recent months. The IMF says Syria's economy contracted by 2% in 2011, while the value of the Syrian pound has crashed. Unemployment is high and access to basic needs including food, water, electricity, and medical supplies has been interrupted in conflict-affected areas.

When did the trouble start?

Pro-democracy protests erupted in March 2011 after the arrest and torture of a group of teenagers who had painted revolutionary slogans on their school's walls in the southern city of Deraa. Security forces opened fire during a march against the arrests, killing four. The next day, the authorities shot at mourners at the victims' funerals, killing another person. People then began demanding the overthrow of Mr Assad.

How did the government react?

The Assad regime first reacted with a combination of minor concessions and force. It ended the 48-year-long state of emergency and introduced a new constitution. But the authorities continued to use violence, besieging opposition strongholds. A UN-mediated ceasefire in April has been violated by both sides. Reports of massacres in the Houla area and village of Qubair have further put the UN peace initiative in jeopardy.

Will other countries get involved?

The international community is desperately trying to find a way to prevent Syria from sliding into civil war. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon says there is little evidence Syria is complying with the peace plan negotiated by UN and Arab League envoy, Kofi Annan, which demands an end to violence. Mr Annan has called for stronger international action, but China and Russia oppose sanctions and military intervention.

7 December 2011 Last updated at 15:13 GMT

bbc Profile: Syria's Bashar al-Assad

President Bashar al-Assad of Syria is facing the most serious challenge to his rule since he came to power in 2000 following the death of his father, Hafez.

After taking office, Mr Assad sought to present himself as a reformer.

The country initially underwent a degree of political liberalisation, with hundreds of political prisoners being released, dissidents allowed to speak openly, and a few tentative steps towards easing media restrictions.

But the pace of change soon slowed - if not reversed - and subsequent years saw the creation of "liberalised authoritarianism" rather than democratic rule.

And when protests against the government began in March 2011, inspired by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, orders were given to crush the dissent.

The brutal crackdown by Syria's security forces has not, however, stopped the uprising and many believe it is only a matter of time before President Assad is overthrown.

Ophthalmologist

For Syria's security services and military, the ruling Baath Party, the massive state bureaucracies, and the dominant Alawite sect, Mr Assad represented stability and continuity when his father died after more than a quarter of a century in power.

However, Bashar al-Assad was not always destined for the highest office.

As second son, born on 11 September 1965, he had largely been left to follow his own interests. He studied at the Hurriya School in Damascus and at 14 joined the Baath Youth Movement.

He graduated from the University of Damascus with a degree in ophthalmology, intending to pursue a career in this field.

Between 1988 and 1992 he studied ophthalmology at Tishrin military hospital in Damascus, before going to London for further studies as an ophthalmologist.

After the death of his older brother, Basil, in a high-speed car crash in 1994, Mr Assad was hastily recalled from London and thrust into the spotlight.

He soon entered the military academy at Homs, north of Damascus, and rose through the ranks to become an army colonel in January 1999.

In the last years of his father's life, Mr Assad emerged as an advocate of modernisation and the internet, becoming president of the Syrian Computer Society.

He was also put in charge of a domestic anti-corruption drive, which reportedly resulted in prominent figures from the old leadership being put on trial.

Flirtation with reform

Following his father's death on 10 June 2000, Mr Assad's path to the presidency was assured by regime loyalists who removed the last remaining obstacles, such as amending the constitution to allow a 34 year old to become head of state.

He was then promoted to the rank of Field Marshal, and appointed commander of the armed forces and secretary general of the Baath Party.

A July 2000 referendum confirmed him as president with 97% of the vote.

In his inaugural address, Mr Assad promised wide-ranging reforms, including modernising the economy, fighting corruption and launching "our own democratic experience". He also pointed to the "dire need for constructive criticism".

It was not long before the authorities released hundreds of political prisoners and allowed the first independent newspapers for more than three decades to begin publishing. A group of intellectuals pressing for democratic reforms were even permitted to hold public political meetings and publish statements.

The "Damascus Spring", as it became known, was short-lived.

By early 2001, the intellectuals' meetings began to be closed down or refused licences and several leading opposition figures were arrested. Limits on the freedom of the press were also soon put back in place.

For the rest of the decade, emergency rule remained in effect. The many security agencies continued to detain people without arrest warrants and held them incommunicado for lengthy periods, while Islamists and Kurdish activists were frequently sentenced to long prison terms. Any economic liberalisation benefitted the elite and its allies, rather than creating opportunities for all.

Many analysts believe that reform under Mr Assad has been inhibited by the "old guard", members of the leadership loyal to his late father.

His family is also said to have played a role in encouraging him to suppress dissent, including his brother Maher, the head of the Republican Guard; his sister Bushra and her husband Asef Shawkat, deputy chief of staff of the armed forces; and his first cousin, Rami Makhlouf, arguably the most powerful economic figure in Syria.

In 2007, Mr Assad won another referendum with 97% of the vote, extending his term for another seven years.

Hard-line diplomacy

In foreign policy, Bashar al-Assad continued his father's hard-line policy towards Israel. He has repeatedly said that there will be no peace unless occupied land was returned "in full", and continues to support militant groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah, although he has floated the idea of talks on the Golan Heights.

His vocal opposition to the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq, and the Syrian authorities' tacit support of Iraqi insurgent groups, also prompted anger in Washington, but it was popular in Syria and in the wider region.

Syria's already tense ties with the US soured in the wake of the February 2005 assassination of Lebanon's former Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri.

The finger of suspicion was immediately pointed at President Assad, his inner circle and the Syrian security services, which dominated Lebanon. Despite their denials of involvement, international outrage at the killing forced Syrian troops to withdraw from Lebanon that April, ending a 29-year military presence.

A UN tribunal earlier this year charged four suspects, all connected to Hezbollah, in connection with the killing of Hariri.

In recent years, Mr Assad has built close ties with Iran as well as Russia and China. Relations with Turkey and France had also improved until the uprising began.

The United States only resumed full diplomatic relations with Syria last January, although its ambassador has been a vocal critic of the crackdown on dissent and was briefly withdrawn after threats to his safety were made.

'External conspiracy'

When anti-government protests erupted in the southern city of Deraa in mid-March 2011, President Assad initially appeared to be unsure how to respond, but it was not long before only force was used to combat them.

In his first speech, two weeks after the first unrest, he insisted that questions of reform and economic grievances had been overshadowed by a small number of troublemakers and saboteurs who had sought to spread among Syrians, as part of an external conspiracy to undermine the country's stability and national unity.

Then in April - with the death toll at 200 - Mr Assad dismissed the cabinet and officially lifted the hated Emergency Law, which had been in place since 1963 and under which security forces detained and tortured people with impunity.

He also said there would be also be new legislation to dilute the monopoly of the Baath party, a new, modern press and media law, and a law which would regulate demonstrations, whereby protesters would be protected by police.

But days later, the crackdown against protesters was stepped up.

Over the next month, soldiers supported by tanks were sent into restive towns and cities, including Deraa, Baniyas, Homs, Hama and the suburbs of Damascus, to combat "armed criminal gangs". By mid-May, the death toll had reached 1,000.

Despite the security forces' concerted and ruthless efforts, and pledges by President Assad to free political prisoners and start a "national dialogue" on reform, the uprising continued unabated in almost every part of the country.

In August, with the death toll at 2,000, Mr Assad told state television that his government was in no danger of falling. He said the solution in Syria was a political one, but that violence should be dealt with firmly.

He also said opponents of the regime were increasingly resorting to violence, carrying out attacks on the military, the police and other security forces.

By early December the death toll had reached 4,000, Syria's security forces had lost control of large parts of the country and been accused by the UN of crimes against humanity, and sanctions were crippling the country's economy, but Mr Assad maintained a defiant tone in an interview with ABC News.

The president denied ordering the military to kill or be brutal in its crackdown on anti-government protesters, saying only a "crazy person" would kill his own people.

"There was no command, to kill or to be brutal," he said. "I don't own them, I am president, I don't own the country so they are not my forces."

"I did my best to protect the people, so I cannot feel guilty," he added.

"You feel sorry for the lives that [have] been lost. But you don't feel guilty - when you don't kill people."

Mr Assad also challenged the "false allegations" on which much of the media - and the UN Human Rights Commission - had based their conclusions about what was happening in Syria.

9 July 2012 Last updated at 14:30 GMT

bbc Profile: Syria's ruling Baath Party

During nearly five decades in power, Syria's Baath Party has evolved from an Arab nationalist movement into a vast organisation that has infiltrated every aspect of public life.

When Hafez al-Assad seized power in a coup in 1970, the party became a vital tool to instil loyalty, as well as help control the government and military alongside the pervasive security services.

The party's senior leaders have remained loyal to the late president's son, Bashar, despite a call from the main opposition coalition, the Syrian National Council (SNC), for them to defect in protest at the violent crackdown on anti-government protests that began in March 2011.

Pan-Arabism

The Baath Party was founded in 1947 by Michel Aflaq, a Syrian teacher, whose brand of radical Arab nationalism won supporters across the region.

The party's early slogan "unity, freedom, socialism" attracted a generation of Arab political activists who wanted to overthrow the European-backed governments of the Middle East and create a modern industrial economy.

In 1953, the Baath Party merged with Akram Hawrani's Arab Socialist Party to become the Arab Socialist Baath Party. The shrewd alliance helped the new group quickly become a serious challenge to its rivals.

However, it was army officers who played the leading role in establishing Baathist rule. Hafez al-Assad was among a group of Baath supporters in the Syrian army who seized power in 1963.

Growing disagreements between the civilian Baathists, such as Aflaq, and the party's Military Committee, led by young officers such as Assad, caused a split in the pan-Arab movement.

Aflaq's supporters were forced from the Baath Party leadership. They found refuge in Iraq, where the Baath Party returned to power in a coup in July 1968. The Iraqi Baathists elected a new pan-Arab leadership, which included Saddam Hussein and Aflaq.

After Hafez al-Assad launched his own coup in Syria in 1970, dubbed the "Corrective Movement", the rift between the rival wings of the Baath Party deepened. A Syrian court condemned Aflaq and other veteran Baathists to death, after trials held in their absence.

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