The Directory

In the fall of 1918 the Central Powers lost the war. On 11 November Germany and Austria capitulated. That led to inevitable changes in Skoropadsky’s policy. On 14 November 1918, the hetman issued a manifesto proclaiming Ukraine’s federation with a “future non-Bolshevik Russia.” The purpose of this act was to gain the support of anti-Bolshevik Russians (the Whites) and their victorious allies – the Entente. By issuing this manifesto Skoropadsky also planned to retain Ukraine’s autonomy in a revived Russian capitalist state. The manifesto shocked the former members of the Central Rada who wanted to see Ukraine as a socialist state. On the same day (14 November) they formed an insurrectionary government called the Directory and started a rebellion against the hetman.

The Directory’s insurrection grew rapidly. About 100,000 peasants took part in the revolt. The German troops declared neutrality (with the war over they planned to go home soon and did not want to fight). Within a month the hetman’s troops were defeated (some of the hetman’s most efficient units – Sichovi Striltsi and Sirozhupanna Dyvizia went over to the rebels). On 14 December the hetman resigned his post and fled to Berlin.¹¹ The same day the Directory’s forces triumphantly entered Kyiv and announced the reestablishment of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR in Ukrainian).

In contrast to a moderately conservative hetman regime, the Directory was a radical regime of socialist direction. The Directory renewed the UNR law on the Eight Hour Work Day and the Right to Strike. Ukrainian was established as the republic’s official language. The intelligentsia (secondary school teachers, doctors, lawyers, etc) was proclaimed a “reactionary force”, devoid of election rights and thus excluded from cooperation. The administrative apparatus of the hetman regime was destroyed but a new apparatus was not created. Factual power in regions was in the hands of local otamans (chieftains), many of whom were impossible to control. In fact, the army of the Directory turned into almost independent and undisciplined bands. There was no consensus between Directory leaders on many issues. Two key leaders of the Directory V. Vynnychenko and S. Petliura were constantly struggling for power (until February 19, 1919, when Vynnychenko resigned). The Directory failed to establish order. Anarchy returned to Ukraine. The Directory could not count on foreign support since the Entente supported the Whites who dreamed about an “indivisible Russia.”

The Bolsheviks and the Whites

After the collapse of the Central Powers the Bolsheviks declared the Brest-Litovsk treaty invalid, formed a puppet Ukrainian Bolshevik government (to cover an open aggression), and invaded Ukraine. The Directory sent a telegram to Moscow asking why Russian troops invaded Ukraine without declaration of war. The answer was rather interesting. The Kremlin said there were not any Russian troops in Ukraine and the war was waged between the Directory and the Ukrainian Soviet government that was totally independent from Moscow. The Directory quite quickly lost the support of Ukrainian masses it had enjoyed during the anti-Skoropadsky uprising. The bureaucracy and intelligentsia turned their back on the Directory since the latter proclaimed them to be ‘reactionary classes’ and devoid them of election rights. The peasants (83% of the population) were not satisfied with the Directory’s agrarian policy. Though the Directory proclaimed the nationalization of the land and its distribution among the peasants, it postponed the implementation of the law. The Bolshevik propagandistic slogans “the land to the peasants and factories to the workers” and “plunder what was plundered” touched the emotions of many Ukrainian peasants and workers. The Reds were quickly advancing into Ukraine without serious resistance. Most of the Directory army went over to the Bolsheviks. Even the Sich Riflemen (Sichovi Striltsi), the most efficient nationalistic unit formed in Galicia, announced their support of Communist ideology. By spring 1919 the Bolsheviks had controlled almost all Ukraine.

In conquered areas the Bolsheviks introduced their economic policy called the “war communism”. Its major points were nationalization of enterprises; prohibition of freedom of trade; cancellation of money circulation; introduction of rationing card system of food distribution (карткова система); labor conscription (workers were mobilized to factories as to the army (трудова повинність)); establishment of state control over production; surplus-appropriation system (peasants were forced to give their “extra food” to the state (продрозкладка));¹² introduction of collective-farms instead of distributing land to the peasants. In addition to that the “red terror” was widely applied against the new regime’s opponents. Many people died in concentration camps or were brutally killed as hostages. The implementation of war communism brought about horrible results for the Bolsheviks. All Ukraine was in anti-Bolshevik revolt which cleared the way for the invasion of the Whites from the Don. The former Directory’s otamans, who had gone over to the Bolsheviks in winter, now were actively fighting against them in the rear.

By summer 1919 the white Volunteer Army (“Добровольческая Армия”) of General Anton Denikin had controlled most of Ukraine. It is interesting to note that about 75 percent of its soldiers and over 50 percent of its officers were ethnic Ukrainians. They really believed that Ukrainians, Belarusians and Russians were the three branches of the same nation. Characteristic features of the white regime were the reestablishment of landlord property rights; revival of freedom of trade; food requisitions from peasants for the white armies; liquidation of an 8-hour working day; closure of the Ukrainian press; Russification in all fields of life; propaganda of the slogan “united and indivisible Russia”. Denikin even forbade using the word ‘Ukraine’ and ordered to call the country the ‘South of Russia.’ Ukrainians were proclaimed the “Little-Russian branch of the Russian people” («малорусская ветвь российского народа»). Such a policy conducted by the Whites also provoked numerous uprisings which undermined Denikin’s power. Many regions were under control of various otamans who were against the Whites, the Reds, the Directory, and often against each other. In fact, anarchy ruled in many parts of Ukraine. A lot of peaceful people died during this turmoil. The Jews suffered most of all. Jewish historians estimated that more than 100,000 Jews were killed in pogroms in Ukraine. (Ukrainian historians say that from 30,000 to 50,000 Jews were killed). Practically all warring sides participated in pogroms: the Reds, the Whites, Petliura’s otamans, and many nonaffiliated bands of Ukrainian peasants (such as those of Makhno, Zelenyi, Angel, Hryhoriiev, etc). It should be noted that pogroms often occurred against the authorities’ orders. Despite Petliura’s attempts to stop pogroms his troops managed to commit 40 percent of recorded pogroms – more than any other side.¹³ It happened because the discipline of Petliura’s ottomans was very weak. Petliura rarely could control them.

In the fall of 1919 Denikin’s armies were defeated near Moscow. Soon the Bolsheviks again occupied most of Ukraine. Denikin’s forces were isolated in Crimea. This time the Bolsheviks’ attitude to the population was more cautious. They stopped collectivization (creating collective-farms), tried to use Ukrainian, stopped mass requisitions of food and mass terror, and, what was the most important, they did what other governments only promised to do – gave the land to the peasants. That step was decisive in securing their position in Ukraine. Lenin also agreed to formal independence of Soviet Ukraine in federation with Soviet Russia. That was just a trick to win Ukrainians’ support in a war against the major enemy – the Whites. Lenin never thought of giving Ukraine real independence.