Hometask 2

Why fathers want to look after the baby (yes, really)

One of the most extensive surveys of fathers has now shown that, far from the stereotype, most men would like to share childcare duties with their partners or wives.

The survey made by the Equal Opportunities Commission shows a modern type of father: the New Dad. He takes part in day-to-day childcare and docs not mind helping with the vacuuming and washingup - if only when his partner asks him to. The EOC interviewed sixtyfour fathers and their partners about their home and work life. Most fathers agreed that it was important to 'be there' for their children for key events such as school sports day, their first appearance in the schoolplay and forat least onemealaday.Manyagreed that parenting classes would be a good way to give them more confidence around the home.

Based on the survey results, four types of fathers were defined, from the traditional type of dad to the perfect New Dad, who is as much involved in taking care of the children as the mother. The surveyfound that themajorityof men weresomewherebetween these twotypes.

In the first category comes Enforcer Dad, the old-fashioned disciplinarian who does not see himself as involved in the day-to-day care of his children. He sees his responsibilities as setting clear limits for them and being a role model. Most fathers do not see this as their onlyrole.

The two biggest categories are Entertainer Dad and Useful Dad. Entertainer Dad is at his best keeping his children laughing while his partner gets on with household chores and arranging the children's school and extra activities. Useful Dad is willing to help out around the house, even though he expects the mother to be the 'team leader' in all things domestic.

Finally, and probably every woman's dream, is Fully Involved Dad. He is equally engaged in running the home and the family, and sees the role of the father and the mother as practically identical. Fully Involved Dads adjust their work arrangements to their partners' professional duties. ‘I do have definite childcare commitments,' said one father in this category. There are certain times or occasions where it isnon-negotiableand I just leavetheofficeon time.'

Julie Mellor, chairwoman of the EOC, said that fathers were still not given enough flexibility at work and mothers would feel fully supported only if employers treated (and paid) both sexes equally. 'Mums and dads should be able to choose how they want to share the responsibilities of bringing up children and working outside the home,' she said. 'But until we have equal pay, decent childcare and more opportunities to work flexible hours, many fathers will continue to find it hard to be there for their children and many women will continue to be disadvantaged at work. This is not necessarily the best solution for parents, children or employers. Equality at work or home depends on both mums' and dads' family responsibilities being acknowledged.' Mellorsaid.

Whywould manyfathersliketo go to parenting classes?

ATolearnhow tododay-to-day childcare.

BBecausetheywanttoattend importantschoolevents,

CBecausetheythinkit'simportant tobeinvolved intheday-to-daycare of children.

DSotheycanbemoreconfidentin dealing withdomestic issues.

How do EnforcerDadsview their roleinchildcare?

ATheydon'tseechildcareastheir responsibility,

BTheyteachtheirchildren disciplinebysetting anexamplefor them,

C Theykeepchildrenamusedwhile theirpartnergetsonwith housework,

D It'simportantforthemtobe involvedinthe day-to-daycareof theirchildren.

How do FullyInvolved Dadsfind timeto share childcare responsibilitieswith their partners?

ATheyrunthehomeandthefamily, sotheirpartnerscanfocusontheir professionalduties,

BTheyfittheirworkcommitments totheirpartner'sarrangements, C Theyoftenleavetheofficeearly, D Theythinkit'stheirpartner's

responsibilitytonegotiateflexibility attheirworkplace.

WhatdoesJulieMellorthink employersshould do?

AEmployersshouldprovideboth parentswithequalpayandflexible working hours,

BTheyshouldallow parentsto workfromhomesotheycanlook aftertheirchildren,

CTheyshouldgivewomenmore supportsothey cantakeonmoreof thechildcareresponsibilitiesat home.

DTheyshouldpaywomenmore becausetheyareoften disadvantagedintheworkplace.

The number of people emigrating from Ireland is currently estimated at 30,000 annually. There is no doubt that the bulk of young Irish emigrants end up in London. And while some of their problems are unique to this generation, many of them work in the same jobs and live in the same conditions as endless previous generations of emigrants to Britain.

While some Irish take their degrees to London and use them to get jobs in the burgeoning service industry, for many others who left school in their teens and experienced months, if not years, of unemployment their second act on reaching London is to sign on for social welfare. Their first, and most difficult, is finding somewhere to live.

Social welfare benefits, when they include a rent allowance, are better in England. For a young unemployed man or woman, living at home with little or no unemployment assistance in Ireland, this can seem an attractive proposition, offering independence, a subsistence income and at least the hope of a job in a city where unemployment, while real, is a lot lower than in Ireland. Many young Irish emigrants go straight on the dole when they arrive in England. Some find jobs fairly quickly, others remain on the dole for months.

Andrew Fox is living on the dole, and is also in receipt of housing benefit. And he is living in relative comfort, as he's staying in Conway House, the hostel for young Irish men run by the Catholic Church in Kilburn. This costs £50 a week for bed and breakfast, and all the young men there spoke glowingly of the facilities it offers and the welcome they receive from staff. There was a 300 per cent increase in demand for places in this hostel in the first six months of last year.

But those who get into Conway House are the lucky ones and there is a six month time

limit on residence there. It has a capacity for just 300, a drop in the ocean, and thousands of young Irish emigrants live in squats across north London. The squats are empty houses, many of them owned by the local council. They may be being prepared for sale into the private sector. Sometimes the council boards up the windows or removes the stairs, and the electricity is usually cut off. The conditions vary widely in the squats, from those in houses which are in good condition and where the illegal tenants are painters and decorators and do the place up, to those in bad repair where the squatters live on mattresses on the floors in rooms lit only by candles. If they reconnect the electricity they face arrest and charges for stealing it.

Jobs are easier to come by than homes. But many of the jobs involve hard work, long hours and no security or protection. This is particularly true in the building trade. London is experiencing a building boom and many of the subcontractors are Irish. Like in the 1950's, there are queues of young men outside the Irish pubs and cafes at 5.30 on Monday mornings, waiting to be driven to a site maybe miles away. Often there are hundreds of young Irish men and even if they do get work they rarely get back before 7 p.m. Wages are paid cash in hand. The men are not taxed and while they don't tell the contractor they are signing on, he doesn't ask either. And if they are injured, they are not insured.

Sister Joan Kane of the Haringey Irish Community Centre deals with the homeless many of them single men who have worked on the buildings all their lives. 'Some of the men in their forties coming in here worked very, very hard on the casual labouring scene. Then they got injured one day doing very heavy work.