The Economic History of Byzantium From

118 KLAUS-PETER MATSCHKE

of gold and silver washed to the surface by rain.19 Around 940, Niketas Magistros described coastal dwellers of the Propontis who collected lumps of iron from the sand of an estuary and roasted them first in a fire and then in a smelting furnace (perhaps to form a doughlike ball); this pig iron was then heated once again (and possibly beaten into ingots) in preparation for being worked by specialized craftsmen.20 These coastal people were thus producing iron in a fashion similar to that of west European peasants of the early and high Middle Ages, whose Catalan process involved the use of bloomery hearths. Byzantine ironworkers may also have used bellows: Eustathios mentions them in another passage, naming them akrophysia in contrast to the akrostomia used by blacksmiths.21 The monastery of St. Phokas in Trebizond had a proasteion in the ninth century where iron was produced (probably by dependent peasants) and handed over to the monks (possibly as rent).22 Already during the crusades, western iron seems to have been superior in quality to Byzantine iron: Anna Komnene speaks of the agathos sideros (“good iron”) that was used in the army of the Norman leader Bohemond I.23 A larger number of silver, tin, and gold mines has been found by recent surveys in the Bolkardag˘ district, not far from the Byzantine fortress of Lulon. Most of them were fairly small, but at least they were still active in the eighth century.24 Their existence also increases the likelihood that mining continued in the Taurus Mountains until the fourteenth century, when various mines supplied large amounts of pure silver to the area’s Mongol rulers and their governors.25 Recent archaeological work has revealed traces of (middle) Byzantine mining also in northwestern Asia Minor between the Hellespont and the Gulf of Adramyttion,26 near Kinyra on the island of Thasos,27 and near Perist-

19Eustathii Thessalonicensis Opuscula, ed. F. L. Thomas (repr. Frankfurt, 1964), 251. Cf. A. Kazhdan’s review of Vryonis in VizVrem 25 (1964): 259–61, with reference to I. P. Medvedev, “Problema manufaktury v trudach klassikov marksizma-leninizma i vopros tak nazyvaemoi vizantiiskoi manufaktury,” in V. I. Lenin i problemy istorii (Leningrad, 1970), 407.

20Niketas Magistros, Lettres d’un exile´, 928–946, ed. L. G. Westerink (Paris, 1973), 65. Cf. A. M. Bryer, “The Question of Byzantine Mines in the Pontos: Chalybian Iron, Chaldian Silver, Koloneian Alum and the Mummy of Cheriana,” AnatSt 32 (1982): 133.

21Eustathii metropolitae Thessalonicensis commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, ed. G. Stallbaum, 4 vols. (repr. Hildesheim, 1960), 3:83. Cf. G. Weisgerber and C. Roden, “Griechische Metallhandwerker und ihre Gebla¨se,” Der Anschnitt 1 (1986): 5.

22A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, “Sumbolai` eij" th`n iJstori´an Trapezou'nto",” VizVrem 12 (1906): 140. Cf. A. Kazhdan, Derevnja i gorod v Vizantii IX–X vv. (Moscow, 1960), 192.

23Anne Comne`ne, Alexiade, ed. B. Leib, 3 vols. (Paris, 1937–45), 3:225. Cf. P. Schreiner, “Zur Ausru¨s- tung des Kriegers in Byzanz, im Kiewer Rußland und in Nordeuropa nach bildlichen und literarischen Quellen,” Figura 19 (1981): 225.

24K. Aslihan Yener and A. Toydemir, “Byzantine Silver Mines: An Archaeo-Metallurgy Project in Turkey,” in Ecclesiastical Silver Plate in Sixth-Century Byzantium, ed. S. A. Boyd and M. M. Mango (Washington, D.C., 1993), 155–68; Edmondson, “Mining,” 101 n. 143.

25Cf. Vryonis, “Mines,” 8. To the sources mentioned we should add K. Jahn, Die Frankengeschichte des Rasˇid ad-Dı¯n (Vienna, 1974), 45.

26E. Pernicka et al., “Archaeometallurgische Untersuchungen in Nordwestanatolien,” JbZMusMainz 31 (1984): 533–99.

27G. Weisgerber and G. A. Wagner, “Die antike und mittelalterliche Goldgewinnung von Pala¨o- chori bei Kinyra,” in Antike Edelund Buntmetallgewinnung auf Thasos Der Anschnitt, suppl., 6 (1988): 141, 152.

120 KLAUS-PETER MATSCHKE

bility that the new developments in what was later to become a center of mining began as early as the fourteenth century.38 However, when the first Greek owners of modern mining works appear in the written sources, the area was no longer in Byzantine hands.39 Although iron mining and iron smelting furnaces are attested in various areas during the late Byzantine period,40 the reforms proposed for the Peloponnese by the Byzantine bishop and Latin cardinal Bessarion indicate that the technology of waterpowered bellows and mechanical mills for extracting ores and processing metals had not reached the Byzantine provinces even by the fifteenth century.41 The mining of alum in Nea Phokaia on the west coast of Asia Minor, in the interior of Anatolia, and in various European coastal regions of the Aegean was for the most part also a postByzantine development and began with the appearance and settlement of Italian entrepreneurs in these mining areas.42 Nevertheless, one could still grow rich from the exploitation of gold and silver mines in the late Byzantine period, as the aristocrat John Laskaris Kalopheros did around the middle of the fourteenth century.43 And when Theodore Moschampar administered the chrysepseteion in Constantinople around 1310, perhaps for a syntrophia of leaseholders or beneficiaries, his acquaintances expected that he would now be able to pay off older debts.44 Not one but several chrysepilektai are attested in Thessalonike a short time after, and they, too, belonged to the city’s upper classes.45

While the late Byzantine state progressively lost its influence over mining and metal processing and was unable to enforce the ban on the export of precious metals, a few late Byzantine groups of entrepreneurs seem to have made at least modest profits from the processing and sale of metals extracted from the remaining ore deposits in the empire. Some individuals even managed to become involved in the development of mining beyond the borders of the ever-shrinking empire.46

38G. A. Wagner et al., “Archa¨ometallurgische Untersuchungen auf Chalkidiki,” Der Anschnitt 5/6 (1986): 167f.

39Actes de Xe´ropotamou, ed. J. Bompaire, Archives de l’Athos (Paris, 1964), 214–18 (no. 30). Cf. K.-P. Matschke, “Zum Anteil der Byzantiner an der Bergbauentwicklung und an den Bergbauertra¨- gen Su¨dosteuropas im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert,” BZ 84/85 (1991–92): 54ff.

40Cf. A. Guillou, “Siderokausia,” 2 vols. (unpublished manuscript, Paris, 1977–79); J. J. Vin, “Sel’skoe remeslo i promysly v pozdnei Vizantii, XIII–XV vv.,” VizVrem 48 (1987): 86f.

41L. Mohler, Aus Bessarions Gelehrtenkreis (Paderborn, 1942), 448 (no. 13).

42Bryer, “Mines,” 146–49.

43De´me´trius Cydone`s, Correspondance, ed. R.-J. Loenertz (Vatican City, 1956), 1:104–7 (no. 73). Demetrios Kydones, Briefe, trans. F. Tinnefeld, vol. 1, pt. 1 (Stuttgart, 1982), 336 n. 16.

44Georgii Lacapeni et Andronici Zaridae Epistolae XXXII cum epimerismis Lacapeni, ed. S. Lindstam (Go¨teborg, 1924), 145–47 (no. 23); cf. S. I. Kourouses, To` ejpistola´ rion Gewrgi´ou Lakaphnou'— Andronij´kou Zari´dou (1299–1315 ca.) kai` oJ ijatro`"Ú Aktouaj´ rio" Iwaj´ nnh" Zacari´a" (Athens, 1984), 355 f, whose interpretation of this part of the letter differs somewhat from mine.

45PLP 5:10015, 10:24078.

46Matschke, “Zum Anteil,” 57ff.

Metallurgy and Metalworking Techniques

Maria K. Papathanassiou

The art of metalworking in Byzantium was heir to an ancient tradition transmitted by age-old techniques developed in antiquity in the broad area of the eastern Mediterranean.1 Various metal objects dating from the Bronze Age and found in excavations in Greece, on the coasts of Asia Minor, and in Egypt bear witness to this long tradition. A good deal of data regarding the techniques of metalworking is found in the form of literary descriptions in the ancient texts. For example, in the Iliad (18.369–79, 410–17, 468–77) there is an excellent description of the forge of Hephaistos, the blacksmith god, with much information on the way he was working, the kind of metals he used, and the techniques he employed to make the shield of Achilles. On the other hand, representations of the work carried out in mines and in workshops appear in ancient Greek black-figure and red-figure vase painting. Some of these workshops were simple forges for fashioning weapons and tools, while others were the workplace of true artists, where bronze statues were cast2 and marble statues were covered with ivory or gold.

These techniques, transmitted from generation to generation, survived and were improved over time. From the Hellenistic age on, the desire for luxuries and for conspicuous wealth extended into the lower social strata. As a result, there was increased need for the production of luxury goods, albeit at moderate price. Gold and silversmiths sought techniques that would allow them successfully to make precious metal alloys and imitate precious and semiprecious stones. Already in the early fourth century, the papyri of Leiden and Stockholm3 include recipes that refer primarily to various techniques for processing gold and silver, in particular: (a) “doubling” (di´plwsi"), which must be understood as a decrease in the degree of purity of an alloy of a precious metal without a change in its color, rather than a doubling of the mass of the metal itself); (b) dyeing (bafh´), dipping hot metals into a cold liquid, usually water, to harden

1 M. Papathanassiou, “ Arcaij´a metallotecni´a kai` fusike`" qewri´e" wJ" ba´ sei" th'" eJllhnikh'" chmei´a",” HJ iJstorikh` ejxe´lixh th'" Chmei´a" sth`n EllaJ´ da, Proceedings of the Panhellenic Symposium of the Association of Greek Chemists, October 14–15, 1994 (Athens, 1996), 35–53.

2I bronzi di Riace (Novara, 1981).

3R. Halleux, Les alchimistes grecs, vol. 1, Papyrus de Leyde, Papyrus de Stockholm, Fragments de recettes

(Paris, 1981).

122 MARIA K. PAPATHANASSIOU

them);4 (c) making black silver;5 (d) gilding and silvering metal objects; (e) methods of testing the purity of the metals; (f) book illumination with gold and silver (crusografi´a/ ajrgurografi´a); (g) the processing and imitation of precious and semiprecious stones; and even (h) dyeing cloth.

Technical recipes found in chemical Byzantine codices dated from the tenth to the fifteenth century6 refer to the same branches of metalworking, especially to gold and silverwork. The content of these codices is related to that of the papyri mentioned above. On this basis we can distinguish the following groups of recipes: (a) dyeing copper and iron, the manufacture of dies (tupa´ ria), thin gold leaves (crusope´tala), and so on; (b) cleaning pearls and methods for making imitation pearls; (c) the work of the goldsmith, especially refining (purifying) and welding gold and silver, illuminating books with gold and silver, and making wires.7

In these texts, which are authentic sources for the materials and tools employed as well as for the relevant techniques to the end of the fifteenth century, one may glimpse the effort of the craftsman to hide the secrets of his art, even when he seems to be revealing them. For this reason, although most recipes mention the general method of the work and the materials used, they omit the proportions of materials in various types of work; that is, they omit the most important information for creating a metal object successfully.

It is worth examining in detail some basic techniques such as iron tempering,8 that is, hardening it so that it becomes steel. In this recipe we are given the proportions of the materials used for smearing over the point or edge (ejpa´ leiyh tou' sto´mato") of iron. Special mention is made of “Indian iron,” which was tempered through a better method. An important distinction is made between the method of tempering (hardening) tools for stone carving, which do not need a sharp edge, and sharp knives and swords. There is also mention of an “Indian method for tempering iron,” which is said to have been invented by Indians and received through the Persians; the mention is dated to some year (not stated precisely) of Philip’s era.9 The same vagueness as to chronology is found in a recipe for dyeing copper, attributed to the Persians.

The Souda lexicon (ca. 11th century) states that chemistry (chmei´a)10 is the making

4Homer, Od. 9.391–93, describes the temper of iron as it becomes steel, and mentions the great scream (me´ga ija´ conta) of the burning metal when it is dipped into water. In the papyrus of Leiden, there are recipes for the temper of silver (Halleux, Alchimistes grecs, 99 §65) and gold (ibid., 102 §78, 100 §67).

5A. R. Giumlia-Mair and P. T. Craddock, Das schwarze Gold der Alchimisten: Corinthium aes (Mainz am Rhein, 1993).

6M. Berthelot and C. Ruelle, Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, 3 vols. (Paris 1888; Osnabru¨ck, 1967) 2:321–93 (technical treatises).

7 M. Papathanassiou, “ Alchmeij´a h‘ chmikh` tecnologi´a,” Indikto" 7 (1997): 97–119.

8Berthelot and Ruelle, Anciens alchimistes, 2:342.20–345.23.

9This is in a chronological system introduced in Egypt after its conquest by Alexander the Great. The first day of the era is 12 November 324 B.C.

10The word chmei´a is found in ancient Greek and Byzantine texts. According to Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride, 33) it means “the black earth of Egypt.” In conjunction with the Arabic article al-, it becomes ajlchmei´a (alchemy), which appeared as a new word in the Latin West through the translations of the relevant texts from the Arabic to Latin.

of gold and silver, old books regarding which were burned by order of Diocletian (284– 305).11 This should probably be related to Diocletian’s fiscal reform, in which he also included the monetary system of Egypt. The striking of gold and silver coins with the image of the emperor was an exclusive imperial privilege, and those who encroached upon it were heavily punished.12

For this reason, a unique recipe in the oldest chemical codex, Marcianus gr. 299 (10th–11th century), assumes great significance. It describes in detail the general method of making dies (tupa´ ria), that is, bronze molds (fou'rmai) and reliefs (tu´loi) for any coin (labw` n no´misma oi»on qe´lei").13 The figure of the coin in relief (ejktu´pwma) is made with common sulfur (tea´ fion koino`n eJyhto´n), which is baked in a low fire (ejlafro`n pu'r) os that the impression of the coin is good and the sulfur does not burn. The materials used for the casting (cw´ nh") of the dies (tupari´wn) are an iron ring (stefa´ nion sidhrou'n),sifted quicklime (koni´a koskinisme´nh), ashes, and bronze. In this case the constituents of the bronze alloy (hJ sugke´rasi" tou' bronthsi´ou)14 are verdigris (ijo`")15 from Cyprus (which produced the best copper) and pure tin in a proportion of 1:2 pounds; the constituents of the coloring of the coin (crw´ isi" tou' cara´ gmato") are a solution of 2 pounds of blue vitriol (ca´ lkanqo"),16 1 pound of copper ore (calki'ti"),17 2 pounds of alum (stupthri´a),18 7 pounds of yellow ocher,19 and salt. After the workers

11Suidae Lexicon, ed. A. Adler, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1928–35), 4:804, s.v. chmei´aÚ hJ tou' ajrgu´rou kai` crusou' kataskeuh´Ú h»" ta` bibli´a diereunhsa´ meno" oJ Dioklhtiano`" e“kausen… 2:104, s.v. Dioklhtiano´"Ú o”te dh` kai` ta` peri` chmei´a" ajrgu´rou kai` crusou' toi'" palaioi'" gegramme´na bibli´a diereunhsa´ meno" e“kause, pro`" to` mhke´ti plou'ton Aijgupti´oi" ejk th'" toiau´th" perigi´gnesqai te´cnh", mhde` crhma´ twn aujtou`" qarjrJou'n- ta" periousi´a tou' loipou' RwmaiJ´oi" ajntai´rein.

12Codex Theodosianus, ed. P. Kru¨ger and T. Mommsen, I.2 (Berlin 1904; repr. 1971), bk. 9.21–23. P. Grierson, “The Roman Law of Counterfeiting,” in Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattlingly, ed. R. A. G. Carson and C. H. V. Sutherland (Oxford, 1956), 240–61. M. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300–1450 (Cambridge, 1985), 320–24.

13Berthelot and Ruelle, Anciens alchimistes, 2:375.9–377.6.

14Bronth´sio" (bronze) most likely derives from the Persian word biring (copper); D. Goltz, Studien zur Geschichte der Mineralnamen in Pharmazie, Chemie und Medizin von den Anfa¨ngen bis Paracelsus (Wiesbaden, 1972), 188.

15Dioscorides, De materia medica, ed. M. Wellmann (Berlin, 1914), 5.79: (p. 49, line 4) ijo`n de` to`n xusto`n ou”tw" skeuaste´on… (p. 51, lines 17–18) oJ de` [ijo`"] tw'n crusoco´wn ajna´ logo" tv' xustv'This. is

verdigris [(CuCc2H3O2)2 H2O], which is transformed into malachite [CuCO3 Cu(OH)2] by the action of air and water.

16Ca´ lkanqo" is hydrate copper sulfate, commonly blue vitriol (CuSO4 5H2O), or hydrate ferrous sulfate (FeSO4 7H2O). Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 152–54, 200.

17Diosc., De materia medica, 5.99. According to Pliny the Elder (Naturalis historia, 34.117, 120, 121),

calki'ti"contains copper, mi´su, and sw'ri,and it is very likely copper pyrites (CuFeS2). The mi´su contained in the calki'ti"could be ferrous sulfide (FeS2). Sw'ri,which is usually mentioned with mi´su, could be copper sulfide (CuS). Berthelot and Ruelle, Anciens alchimistes, 468–69: sw'ri´ ejstin wJ" kuano`" ywrw´ dh", euJrisko´meno" ajei` ejn tv' mi´sui. tou'to kai` clwro`n ca´ lkanqon kalou'sin.Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 154–57.

18In Egypt there are all kinds of stupthri´a, i.e., scisth´, stroggulh´, uJgrh´, but it is also found in other countries. Diosc., De materia medica, 5.106. Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 161.

19This is limonite (2Fe2O3 3H2O), which is also called scisto´n. Diosc., De materia medica, 5.93. Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 147–48.

124 MARIA K. PAPATHANASSIOU

have ground these materials, sifted them, and piled them in layers in a covered pot, as is done with the thin gold leaves made by artisans who smelt gold (fu´lla tw'n crusoeyhtw'n),20 they bake them for three hours. After these baked pieces, that is, the colored fa´ kia, have cooled down, they are washed with pure water, and then the artisans, after having oiled their hands, rub them with sulfur.

This technique for making a die (tupa´ rion) can be used for striking either a genuine or a false gold coin, depending on whether the work is done in the imperial mint or by counterfeiters. But, as the law against counterfeiting makes clear, the metalworkers of the imperial mints themselves were so involved in counterfeiting that they were considered as the main source of false coinage and were punished more severely than private persons.21 If, however, they struck coinage themselves with tools stolen from the mint, and the coins had the legal composition and form, then the metalworkers were punished only for theft. In any case, the main purpose of the law against hoarding old bronze coins was to reduce the metal available for making dies, which could then be used for forgery.22

In our text the coin whose manufacture is being discussed is the gold coin (oJloko´ttinon, solidus) because of its high value (pa´ nu crh´simo" ejkbai´nei hJ ajpotu´pwsi" tou' oJlokotti´nou). However, the same bronze used for the casting of the die (eij" aujth`n th`n ajpotu´pwsin metaba´ llei" to` aujto` bronth´sion) of the gold coin as a copper alloy is appropriate for use in creating imitations of gold; and the text gives instructions for the coloring of the fa´ kia. In cod. Paris. gr. 2327, copied in 1478, there is a description of the fashioning of a mold for a solidus (fou´rma" oJlokotti´nou) made of an alloy of metals by the wax method; on this they pour silver and verdigris ground and dissolved in lemon juice.23

The importance of metalworking in Roman and Byzantine finances may be seen not only from the relevant provisions of the Theodosian and Justinianic codes, but also from another very important text that belongs to the first group of recipes and is entitled Differences of Lead and Gold Leaf (Diaforai` moli´bdou kai` crusopeta´ lou).24 This account book of a goldsmith’s workshop mentions the raw materials and combustibles needed, as well as the productivity of the workshop, listed according to the daily production of its craftsmen, specialists in various areas of goldwork. In this text we can clearly see the craftsmen’s specializations with their names, as well as the kind of work the artisans produce.

At the start, a distinction, based on provenance, is made among the various kinds of lead used in different alloys. The sea lead (mo´lubdo" qala´ ssh") is hard and dirty; to

20Chrysoepsetes or archon tes kharages: Hendy, Studies, 427 n. 245. See also K.-P. Matschke, “Mining,” EHB 116.

21Grierson, “Counterfeiting,” 254 n. 3. Cf. Berthelot and Ruelle, Anciens alchimistes, 2:239.12– 240.2: w”sper oiJ tecni'tai oiJ ejpista´ menoi basiliko`n tu´ptein no´misma oujc eJautoi'" tu´ptein, ejpei` ti-

mwrou'ntai.

22Grierson, “Counterfeiting,” 246, 252–53.

23Berthelot and Ruelle, Anciens alchimistes, 2:326.12–26.

24Ibid., 377.7–379.23.

make it less fragile they make an alloy of 50 pounds of lead sabuh´sio" and 1 pound of white tin. The lead sabuh´sio" and the lead from Dalmatia (delmath´sio") are pure and soft, while the lead from Sardis (sardiano´") is soft and contains copper (e“gcalko"). It is evident that the reference to lead is made because there is a method of extracting silver from the very firm (pukno´taton) lead cast from the results of sand washing (mo´lubdon cuto`n ajpo` tw'n ajmmoplu´twn), which yields 1 pound of silver per 10 pounds of common pure lead (koino`n kaqaro`n mo´lubdon).25

The text then mentions the quantities of necessary metals, the other materials, and the combustibles for various jobs carried out in the workshop, which are carried out by special artisans. There are artisans for fashioning molds, artisans who specialize in work convected with crucibles for melting gold or silver, and artisans for filing and working with tongs (tecni'tai eij" pla´ sin kai` cw´ nhn kai` rJinh`n kai` aJrpakth'rin). Along with forty men who work the bellows (ejrga´ ta" fushla´ ta"), they can produce about 5 pounds of gold and silver cakes (crusoliqari´ou/ajrguroliqari´ou) per day. There are also artisans called “goldbeaters” (petalourgoi` or crushla´ tai), who hammer gold or silver in thin leaves (pe´tala), which will later be used for silverplating (periargurw´ sew") and gilding (crusw´ sew"). From one cake of gold (crusoliqa´ rion), the gilder (cruswth´") makes in one day 150 leaves for gilding entire objects (cru´swsi" ejn oJlocru´sv), plus 50 leaves for book illumination with gold (crusografi´a) and 100 leaves for gilding the edges of objects (cru´swsi" ejn ajkrocru´sv). It is also mentioned that 1 pound of gold produces 72 gold coins of the type called eu“ruzon.26

Because the material loses weight (uJpocwrei')when it is processed, that is, a part of it is lost, the artisans are given a larger quantity of material, in which the future loss has already been calculated. Thus the goldbeater receives material that includes whatever is expected to be lost, by pound of weight, as the gold is melted and then made into leaves (su`n th'"”ulh" kai` ta` uJpocwrou'nta eij" `thn e”yhsin tou' crusi´ou kai` to`n ejkpetalismo`n kaq∆ eJka´ sthn li´tran); this additional amount is six gold coins per pound, since the loss is calculated as 2 keratia per nomisma (wJ" katatre´cei eij" to` no´misma kera´ tia du´o).27 For gilding only, the gilder receives an additional amount of three gold coins per pound of the object, because the loss is one keration per nomisma; for preparing the foundation layer on an object for gilding (uJpo´crhsin h“toi uJposkeuh`n crusw´ sew"), in the case of small statues the gilder receives three coins per pound if he uses wood and one coin per pound if he uses stone. If the gilder is an independent artisan (aujto´-

25Ibid., 36.19–37.16.

26This is the same as o“bruzon, i.e., gold that, according to Pliny (33.59), has been purified by fire; hence the arabic name ibriz for pure (purified) gold. Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 188, 256. Cf. obryzon kharagma: Hendy, Studies, 350–51, 355. R. Halleux, “Me´thodes d’essai et d’affinage des alliages aurife`res dans l’Antiquite´ et au Moyen Age,” in C. Morrisson et al., L’or monnaye´, vol. 1, Purification et alte´rations de Rome `a Byzance, Cahiers Ernest-Babelon 2 (Paris, 1985), 48.

27The 2 keratia result from the combination of 11⁄2 keration per nomisma hyper obryzes (designed specifically to recover the difference between the theoretical and the actual weights of coins) and 1⁄2 keration per nomisma hyper rhopes (the largest fee, apparently for weighing the coins involved in a

transaction), later termed idiotikos zygos and chrysochoı¨kos stathmos, as it is deduced from the papyri of Oxyrhynchus (late 6th century/early 7th century) in Egypt. Hendy, Studies, 352–53.

126 MARIA K. PAPATHANASSIOU

dion ejrga´ zetai) and creates objects described in other account books (kaqw` " ejlogi´sqh ejn pollai'" logoqesi´ai"), the prices change; the text gives price examples by reference to work already done in well-known buildings.

This text indicates that the metals used in the workshop were gold, silver, copper of excellent quality, tin, and various kinds of lead after special processing. Other materials used were sulfur, copper ore, misy, sinopis,28 gypsum,29 rubrica, and artemisia indica. There was also wax, oil, material for hardening iron (sto´mwma), fish glue (ijcquo´kolla), glue made from bull’s hide (tauro´kolla), gum (ko´mmi), yarika´ (obviously the material used for the making of fish glue), and other materials of unknown composition such as sabanika and sofigu. Finally, coal and wood were used as combustibles. The weights and measures used were the li´tra (litra), the kenthna´ rion, the xe´sth" (sextarius), the modius, the aJmaxei´a (a wagon load), the da´ ktulo", the ph´cu", and the eJxa´ gion. The coin that is mentioned is the oJloko´ttinon or cru´sinon or eu“ruzon.

The techniques of metalworking and especially those of gold and silversmithing are much more ancient than the written tradition related to them, since they are transmitted empirically from generation to generation; this can be proved by a comparison of the techniques encountered in archaeological finds with those described in philological sources.30 The texts extant in Byzantine manuscripts suggest that some techniques were influenced by those of Persia and India, evidently after the creation of Alexander the Great’s immense empire, while others betray Arab influence. As far as coinage is concerned, the high quality of Roman coins and their purity at the end of the fourth century prove both the financial strength of the state and the high level of metalworking techniques. These were used not only for making weapons, tools, gold and silverware, and jewelry, but also for manuscript illumination and for the decoration of various buildings (e.g., palaces and churches31), especially with gold. That the luxury of Byzantine palaces rivaled that of the Arab caliphs32 and the Latin kings was a result of the excellent quality of the work of experienced craftsmen. Since ancient times, the workshops for metalworking, especially in gold and silver, and the guilds of the related artisans not only contributed to the economy but also to the political and cultural brilliance of the states involved.

28It is very likely that the reference is to the sinopis (red ocher/earth, rubrica), which is collected from the caves of Cappadocia and transferred to and sold in Sinope. The tektonikh` rubrica is much inferior to sinopis; the best rubrica is found in Egypt and Carthage. Diosc., De materia medica, 5.96. Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 150–51.

29This is calcium sulfate (CaSO4), whose color varies from white to gray and light blue; in hydrate form (CaSO4 2H2O), it is white or colorless. Goltz, Geschichte der Mineralnamen, 172–73.

30J. Ogden, Ancient Jewellery (London, 1992).

31Berthelot and Ruelle, Anciens alchimistes, 2:37.10–11: Eij de` bou´lei eij" e“rgon ejkklhsi´a" poih'sai.

For ecclesiastical silverplate, see S. A. Boyd and M. M. Mango, eds., Ecclesiastical Silver Plate in SixthCentury Byzantium (Washington, D.C., 1992). See also A. Cutler, “The Industries of Art,” EHB 546ff, 558ff.

32K. Vogel, “Byzantine Science,” The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 4, pt. 2 (Cambridge, 1967), 269–70. H. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, 2 vols. (Munich, 1978), 2:237–39.

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Halleux, R. Les alchimistes grecs. Vol. 1, Papyrus de Leyde, Papyrus de Stockholm, Fragments de recettes. Paris, 1981.

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