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Social pedagogy and social work

Unsurprisingly, there was a reaction to this understanding of social pedagogy during post-war reconstruction. The fear that the educational socialization apparently implied within social pedagogy could be directed to the needs of the nation at the cost of individuals and of significant groups hung heavy. Moves towards more individual, problem-based work seemed a safer option than the mass and group work of the then recent past. However, there was a limited counterbalance through the influence of writers such as Lewin (1948; 1951) on American 're-education' efforts. He made a strong case for the use of small groups in the resolution of conflicts and the promotion of democracy. It was a theme also taken up by somewhat more pessimistically by Lindeman (who also advised the British army education service in Germany - see Stewart 1987: 212-214). Thus, as the German social welfare system evolved, social pedagogy did not take quite the course that Diestersweg envisaged. Rather than informing the shape of schooling it became seen as the 'third' area of welfare beside the family and school. It can be represented as:

a perspective, including social action which aims to promote human welfare through child-rearing and education practices; and to prevent or ease social problems by providing people with the means to manage their own lives, and make changes in their circumstances. (Cannan et al 1992: 73-74)

Conceived in this way it includes a wide range of practice including youth projects, crèches and nurseries, day-care centres, parent-education, work with offenders and some areas of church work. The linkage with social problems and crisis work situates social pedagogy alongside social work. Social work in Germany was divided into two major branches: Sozialarbeit (casework/management) and Sozial Pädagogik. The former can be seen as a 'general social work service to families and other selected groups' (Cannan et al 1992: 73). Workers in both areas undertook a common first foundation year of training (Sozial Wegen) and then specialized in the different approaches. Around half of those qualified as social workers in Germany trained as social pedagogues.

Social pedagogy and social education

Many of the ideas that informed debates around social pedagogy in the late nineteenth century began to influence developments in American educational thought. From the late nineteenth century on there was a US journal and community of practice centred around social education (see, for example, Scott 1908). Dewey, through the work of Hebart - and his knowledge of Rousseau, Froebel and Pestalozzi - sought to develop what could be described as child-centred theory. But he added to this a powerful dimension (and one that connects with the concerns of many early champions of social pedagogy) - that the experience required for learning was participation in community life (community was defined by Dewey in terms of sharing in a common life). Thus, his classroom was to be a community in itself - a place where there are group activities - where people cooperate. Teachers were to join in with the activities - to take part in a common endeavour. A critical point here is that Dewey saw the environment as social. People learn through interacting with a social environment.

This then links across to his - and other contemporary American writers - concern for democracy. People like Mary Parker Follett and Eduard Lindeman studied German developments. We can see a number of similarities with the concerns identified in Follett's notion of training 'for the new democracy' (see la vie associative).

These ideas also aroused considerable interest amongst UK educators - especially those operating within what might be called the informal education tradition. They were reflected in some of the key post-war developments around community centres and associations, community work, community education and youth work. Perhaps the most significant shift in terms of practice was the reconceptualization of youth work as social education during the second half of the 1960s (see, in particular, the work of Davies and Gibson 1967). For a significant period 'social education' became the dominant way of describing both the content and the process of youth work. However, it was subject to some critique and gradually became less prominent - especially as 'informal education' came back into use and gained a stronger theoretical base (see Smith 1988).

The notion of social education (as being concerned with the relationship we have with ourselves, others and the world) also became an aspect of debates around schooling. Social and personal education, then social, personal and health education were part of the curriculum of many schools. Significantly, in terms of social work and care work, there was a trend in the 1970s of re-labelling centres for adults with special education needs as social education centres. Subsequently, other labels and concerns came to predominate - especially as schooling became more centralized and focused on achieving national curriculum and other state objectives. More recently in the UK with a growing interest in happiness and well-being, and appreciation of the problems of the individualistic and outcome turn that both schooling and social welfare have taken, there appears to be some movement towards the 'social' (see, for example, Layard and Dunn 2009).